Monday, November 25, 2013

A Silent Coup 2003

From: Okhela  (Original Message) Sent: 2003/12/03 07:12



A silent coup is being engineered in our country. Today we have a situation
of dual power:
(1) The President
(2) Mac Maharaj and his group

The fight around Buleleni Ngcuka has become the terrain of battle by both
forces, the constitutional, legitimate forces of the State represented by
the President, and the unconstitutional, underground, parallel structures,
represented by Mac Maharaj/Jacob Zuma/Mo Shaik. Their approach is premised
on the former apartheid government Stratcom strategy.

It is aimed at:

- To undermine and destroy institutions of the state like the scorpions.
- To divide the ANC and to develop offshoots of leadership
- To play the race card of Zulu vs Xhosas, etc.
- To undermine and remove the President of the ANC and the President of the
Republic of South Africa.
(Possibly assassination of the President)
- To determine the succession after Thabo Mbeki.
- To make South Africa ungovernable.
- To bring the integrity of the 2004 elections into question, thus
Undermining the status of Thabo Mbeki in the continent and
- To discourage foreign investment.

Who is behind this?

- Mac Maharaj - the former Minister of Transport
- Mo Shaik - Advisor to Minister of Foreign Affairs
- Jacob Zuma - Deputy President
- Lindiwe Sisulu - Minister of Intelligence
- Charles Nqakula - Minister of Safety and Security
- Jackie Selebi - Commissioner of Police
- Billy Masetla - Presidential Intelligence Unit
- Vusi Mavimbela - Director General of NIA
- Ricky Nkondo - National Coordinator Operations NIA
- Bob - NIA
- Jacob Matshikiza - NIA
- Raymond Lalla - CIS/SAPS
- Mojo Matau - Defence Intelligence
- Brett Kebble - Businessman/Provides funding
- Niko Shaffer - Businessman/Criminal/Provides funding
- Linda Mti - Designated successor to Ngcuka

Their major vehicles to achieve their objectives are:

Parallel structures within the,
- NIA (National Intelligence Agency)
- SASS (South African Secret Service)
- DI (Defence Intelligence)
- Police Services
- Former apartheid operatives and private intelligence companies (OPM)
- French Intelligence
- SARS (South African Receiver Services)
- Operation Vula network which permeates all levels of the state apparatus
and the ANC/SACP/COSATU alliance.
- Indian Cabal and its UDF network
- Parliament: Public Protector, Ethics Committee, Scopa and the Auditor
general's office to legitimise and to clear their criminal activities.
- Presidential Protection Unit: Leaking information about the President's
security for a possible assassination attempt.
- Presidential Diary Committee: They are leaking his diary so as to endanger
his security and embarrass him.

The Fundamental Problem

(1) National Intelligence Service (NIS)

Mike Louw, the former head of NIS (National Intelligence Service) told the
media in 1994, that the NIS removed "all the names" of informants from its
records, before it started the integration process with the intelligence
services of the former struggle movements "to protect informants". Names and
code names of agents were also removed from the NIS database.

In 1998 the TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Commission) complained that the
massive destruction of records which started in the 1980's and culminated in
a "co-ordinated effort' sanctioned by the National Party Cabinet in 1993,
had undermined its investigations severely.

The NIS, Security Police and Defence Force Intelligence Units conducted a
"systematic destruction programme" in 1991, 1992 and 1993, according to the
TRC report. In 1993, the NIS destroyed 44 tons of paper and microfilm. The
NIS became the NIA (National Intelligence Agency), the primary source of
leaked information on Bulelani Ngcuka.

The point here is that in the light of the above, it appears that not all
documents were destroyed on agents, as documents on RS452, given to the
media by Mac and Mo shows. Further, it shows the selective usage,
manipulation and doctoring of information of the remaining documents are
being used to destroy anyone the possessors of these documents chose to

(Ref. Annex 1 - Captain Edwards Reports)

(II) Operation Vula - Operation Bible

Towards the late eighties, a negotiated settlement to the South African
conflict had become a reality.

The NIS and the Securocrats of the apartheid regime anticipated that the ANC
will have a Plan B in place, in the event of the negotiations failing. This
plan B was operation Vula.

The NIS was fully aware that the ANC was very conscious of apartheid spies
in its ranks. Therefore, the success and launch of its Plan B (Operation
Vula) will be determined by its ability to clear from a security perspective
cadres to be used in Operation Vula.

The NIS then formulated a plan to counter and take control of the ANC's Plan

The opportunity arose while Mo and Yunus Shaik were in detention in 1985.
They both broke and admitted that they were in the ANC underground. Mo also
learnt to drink brandy and coke with his newly acquired handlers. They were
released and not charged as members of a banned organisation. To build their
credibility with the ANC underground command in Swaziland, the NIS/ Security
branch allowed Mo and his brothers to bring Ebrahim Ishmael Ebrahim into the
country from Swaziland and to hold meetings with other ANC underground
members in the country, without arresting any of them. They then allowed
Ebrahim Ishmael Ebrahim to return to Swaziland safely, only later to kidnap
him from Swaziland.

This boosted Mo and his brothers' credibility across the ANC divide and
everyone ignored their detention and the fact that they were recruited by
NIS. Mac Maharaj was over the moon with this operation as he was part of the
planning stages of Operation Vula and will need to get into South Africa as
head of Vula.

This NIS operation with Mo and his brothers eventually led to Operation
Bible, which NIS based on the Double Cross System, used by the British
against the Germans during the Second World War. Jacob Zuma and Mac Maharaj
had by now become unconscious agents of the Apartheid Regime with the ANC
Intelligence totally compromised at a strategic level. Mac's
over-zealousness in trying to be a legend and Jacob Zuma, as head of ANC
Intelligence, with his legendary laziness and incompetence helped the

Operation Bible was a complicated NIS operation. NIS gave up a few of its
agents, but cleared the majority of its agents to become part of Operation
Vula. Further, a large number of ANC cadres became part of Operation Bible
and Operation Vula without knowing that they were working under the
direction and command of the Apartheid Intelligence Services. Further,
Operation Bible labelled a large number of ANC cadres as spies so as to
divide the ANC and to destroy its seasoned cadres.

Mac Maharaj, as head of Operation Vula, was brought into the country by Mo
Shaik and another NIS agent. Further, Mac lived with this NIS agent in a
flat in Roslyn Heights Overport, Durban.

In short, Mac Maharaj was working for the Apartheid Regime's Security forces
without knowing it. Thus Operation Vula, under Mac Maharaj, was used by
Stratcom to direct negotiations by destroying the ANC underground and its
capacity to bargain from a position of strength.

Charles Ndaba and Mbuso Shabalala, both Vula operatives, were killed by Mo`s
handlers, so as to protect his identity as a NIS agent.

(III) Post Apartheid South Africa

In the build up to the first democratic Elections, those cadres who
participated in the NIS directed Operation Vula were given prominence by the
media, apartheid intelligence infrastructure and the international media
thus giving them a high profile amongst the militant masses of our people.
Thus securing them top strategic jobs at all levels of the new government
and the ANC.

Mo Shaik was appointed to head the integration of the ANC-DIS. He made sure
that the NIS agents in Vula as well as the NIS operatives were put in
control of the new Intelligence Services of the democratic South Africa.
Thus the continuity of the former NIS operatives and their agents took
control. The parallel intelligence structure to the democratic State was
embedded, with the control shared by the "Indian Cabal" headed by Mac
Maharaj and the former apartheid operatives.

Their first engagement was to get rid of Thabo Mbeki and make Cyril
Ramaphosa the first Deputy President of the RSA. They used their parallel
structures as well as their network in the SACP, COSATU, "Indian Cabal" and
the UDF network. Chris Hani refused to support them and pushed for Thabo
Mbeki. This resulted in Chris Hani being set up by these forces, using the
Right Wing, with Ricky Nkondo making the telephone call from Shell House to
Chris's body guards to leave his house, resulting in his assassination.

Since then, this network, especially within the Intelligence Community
(NIA/SASS/CIS/DI) has been mobilising and building support and
infrastructure for the removal of Thabo Mbeki and replace him with the
compliant Jacob Zuma. They have infiltrated ministries, like the Transport
ministry, Defence ministry, Intelligence agencies, Amscor, Businesses,
Banks, Financial houses, Political Parties, Parastatals, the ANC,
Parliament, the Presidency, SARS, etc. Further, they have used Zuma's
deployment committee to further consolidate their control.

The one area they failed to get strategic control of is the NPA (Scorpions),
therefore they have launched this smear operation to get rid of Bulelani
Ngcuka. Presently they want to replace him with Linda Mti or Ayanda Nhlohlo,
one of their agents and thus will become untouchable.

Their motive is simply attainment of political power and self -enrichment.
There is no ideology or struggle. The Vula gang, together with their
apartheid cronies are using their political infrastructure in all levels of
state to achieve political control and power, and using their Vula financial
routes to make money. Further, they are working with foreign multi-nationals
and intelligence agencies to subvert our democracy.

From: AndyStuijt1 Sent: 2003/12/04 11:50

Frankly Okhela - this high-level power battle leaves me very cold indeed.

I think under Mr Mbeki's exceedingly poor governance, the country has become totally racially-polarised - even though the fraudulent 1994 elections had been run under the pretence of wanting to create a Rainbow Nation. Under Mbeki, the country has been plunged into unprecedented levels of violence and millions of people are now facing having to die of Aids because of Mbeki's incredible blundering on this issue. 
Even more important is that country's food production has halved since 1994 and that the infrastructure has deteriorated so badly that the farmers now cannot even get enough diesel to them in time to plow and harvest their crops, 
The financial prospects for South Africa also have become much grimmer under Mbeki, with for instance the active taxpayer base having dropped by more than half since 1994.

From: Okhela  (Original Message) Sent: 2003/12/03 08:17


1. The National Intelligence Agency (NIA)

South Africa does not have an effective intelligence capability. The NIA is
under the strategic control of Mac/Mo/Zuma axis. This includes the
Director-General, Vusi Mavimbela and most of the senior management
officials. There are also many patriotic officers.

(a) A large number of NIA officials had been involved in criminal activities
and total abuse of power.

Ayob Mungalee, handled by the NIAs Gretha Bezuidenhout, was arrested on the
24/02/99 with four Pagad members at a road block in the Karoo, transporting
Bungled NIA bugging of the German Embassy and attempted
Recruitment of the Embassy staff in 1999.

Andre Lincoln claimed, Arthur Fraser, NIA Head Western Cape offered him
inducements that included a sentence of correctional supervision and a plush
job if he takes the rap

Placing surveillance equipment in the court of Judge John Foxcroft during
the high profile case of Pagad.

The former Inspector-General of Intelligence, Faizal Randera, responded to
the NIA report on Ramaphosa involvement in a coup against Mbeki with US
support: The public wants to be reassured that the NIA is not behaving like
a rogue element and gathering information on bona fide political activity.

The removal by the NIA of 34 boxes of TRC documents

On the 27/02/99, top police investigator Henry Beukes said in the Pagad case
(Oudtshoorn) that communication between the police and the NIA has
deteriorated so badly that under cover agents who have infiltrated Pagad
could be killed by police unaware that they are acting under orders. Further
Beukes testified in court that Mungalees NIA handler, asked him to change
his statement implicating the NIA, that the intelligence agency asked him
to courier explosives to Cape Town.

On the 04/08/00, opposition parties reacted with indignation to an attempt
by military intelligence to recruit reporters as informers and requested an
investigation by the Inspector General.

On the 14/09/00, an independent audit into the alleged misuse and possible
misappropriation of R300 million earmarked for retraining ex-combatants has
been forwarded to the office of the Auditor-General for further

In 1998, Thabo Kubu NIA strategic general manager was arrested for trying to
cash share certificates worth more than R180-million. He was in charge of a
special unit set up to probe the misappropriation of state funds under
apartheid. Other charges against him include irregular activities while in
the employ of the NIA, failure to follow NIA recruitment and management
policy for sources, failure to keep proper records and failure to declare
his business interests.

Advocate Gerda Ferreira, who was leading the probe into Jacob Zuma and
Shabir Shaik was assigned body guards after a campaign of intimidation
against her.

The Auditor-General, Henry Kluever, said South African spies are almost as
difficult to control in the era of President Thabo Mbeki as they were under
apartheid. He said this after there was no proper financial accountability
for an amount of R768-million paid in the spy fund.

The head of the NIA in the Eastern Cape, Dumisane Luphungela , has been
suspended following allegations that he solicited money from Cape-based
Mafioso Vito Palazzolo. His other close associates, Zilingene Zileila
Dubase, Jacob Matshikiza and Sparks Dukashe got away.

Mrs Winnie Madikizela claimed that the NIA has divulged to her that farmers
were killing each other to fan racism and to destabilize the country. (
Citizen: 25/03/99)

Ricky Nkondo, is intimidating witnesses of the Hefer Commission.

In 1999, Themba Dwango of NIA (Pretoria) was arrested for robbing a
Vredenburg garage owner of R43 000.

NB. These were only the incidents reported in the public domain. There are
hundreds of other cases that are swept under the carpet.
(B) Modus Operandi

The NIA officers are involved in a wide range of political, business and
criminal activities, under the political protection of Jacob Zuma.

They are involved in industrial espionage. They steal information and
technology from South African businesses, parastatals and multinationals,
and sell it to anyone or country willing to buy it.

In the government tender process, they bug, surveillance and collect
information on the different tendering companies and sell the acquired
information to competing bidders. Further, they intimidate, harass and
threaten members of the committee adjudicating the tender.

They also sell information and intelligence to different foreign
intelligence agencies for money. They are paid by foreign intelligence
agents to spy on different embassies and their staff based in South Africa,
using states resources. E.g. the bugging of the German embassy.

They are paid by businessmen to run dirty tricks campaigns on their rivals
and create false intelligence on gun running, drug dealing, etc on their

Example: Mark Wellesley- Wood CEO and Chairman of Duban Roodepoort Deep was
declared by the NIA and the former home Affairs Director-General Billy
Masetla, a United Kingdom citizen, a prohibited immigrant, on the
instructions of Brett Kebble. This was meant to pressurise Wellesley-Wood to
drop charges of corruption against Brett Kebble. The Minister of Home
Affairs over-ruled that prohibition.

Almost every business man (black and white) has a few NIA/SASS/CIS/DI
members on their payroll.

They are also in the payroll of different organised crime groups in the

The Zimbabwe and Angolan intelligence has a very large number of agents
within NIA/SASS/CIS/DI. This has been achieved through business deals in the
mining, timber and oil sectors in the DRC and Angola.

Whilst on official duties in Africa, they hide behind their government
positions to solicit, mining and oil concessions for their clients (BEE) in
South Africa. Eg. Billy Masetla went to Sao Tome on government business, but
instead looked for oil concessions.

NIA is now involved in a major investigation into PetroSA and the Mossgas
shut down. This is not their job. It is the task of PetroSAs risk
management unit and the insurance companies. NIA is at PetroSA, at the
request of Sipho Mkize and Barend Petersen, mainly to try to determine
which BEE group gets the empowerment stake in the Sable Oil Field.

Security Clearances

The NIA uses its questionable data base to clear or refuse rival businesses
and individuals security clearance. This places these individuals and
businesses in a difficult situation as they are unable to get employment or
business from the state. They get shares and payments to give clearances and
to withhold clearances. This is a lucrative business.

The refusal by the NIA to clear people politically, for parliamentary jobs,
commissions of enquiry, parastatal boards, Transnet, independent
institutions of state, SABC board and top jobs within government ensures
that Mac/Mo/Jacob Zuma control government processes, as well as ensuring
compliant persons are appointed like the Public Protector.

Example: Niko Shaffer is implicated in the UN report on involvement in
conflict diamonds and criminal activities but is cleared by the Minister of
Intelligence Lindiwe Sisulu, because of his business relationship with her

South African Revenue Services

The Vula network has a formidable presence in SARS. Whilst it must be
acknowledged the Commissioner is doing a great job, there are serious areas
of concern.

The parallel structures in the NIA/SASS uses SARS, as well as its employees
who are part of this network to engage in political and criminal activity,
disguised as legal work.

Once they are paid to run an operation on an individual or company, the
NIA/SASS/CIS/DI produces so called intelligence on the individual or
company, which will include drug dealing, money laundering, trading in arms,
etc and deposits this file with SARS as high quality tested intelligence.
SARS Enforcement Units who are part of this network then begins a campaign
to investigate, harass, put on hold forex amnesty, gets customs and exercise
involved, thus making it impossible for a company or individual to do
business, resulting in the collapse of the business.

Further, at a political level, companies of countries that are seen to be
supportive of Thabo Mbeki are put under this pressure. Example, Thabo Mbeki
goes on an official visit to Canada to attract foreign investment, whilst
this NIA/SARS network makes it impossible for Canadian companies to do
business in South Africa, all because this network wants to sabotage the
Presidents efforts. Similarly, this is done with the Germans and the
British. But, because of this network`s link to the French and their support
for Zuma, they can do whatever they like.

The point is that individuals/companies have no recourse or access to this
so called intelligence files in SARS possession, and have to accept this
harassment and intimidation, with the only option is to move their business
to another country. The result is that Mbeki`s foreign trips to attract
foreign investment into South Africa and to create jobs are sabotaged so as
to set him up for failure.

Thabo Mbeki

The failure by the Mac/Mo/Zuma axis to lobby the ANC Provincial List
Conferences to put Zuma as number one and Thabo Mbeki lower on the list, has

This has been preceded by numerous efforts to damage the credibility of the
President and endanger his life.

? Leakages from Cabinet Meetings
? Anonymous ANC-NEC sources
? Kase Lawal and Niko Shaffer had business fallout, which resulted in
Shaffer giving documents to his business associate, Lindiwe Sissulu, on the
South African Oil Company, which she then leaked to the media to embarrass
Mbeki and Ministers close to him.
? Jacob Zuma leaked the Winnie Mandela letter, without informing the
President that he received such a letter, to the media so as to discredit
the President.
? Niko Shaffer, a criminal, had access to Mbeki`s travel, residence and
movements in Cairo in March 2000.(Ref.Annex 2: Memorandum from the desk of
Niko Shaffer)
? Umkhonto we Sizwe Veterans Association
(MKVA), has been made promises that they will be
looked after by Zuma, and Mbeki has neglected them.
Therefore they threatened deliver on promises
or face a
return to war(01/06/03-Sowetan)
? The 20th Anniversary of the UDF was meant to serve as a rallying point to
consolidate the anti-Mbeki group, and to plan further strategies of
isolating the President.
? Shane Jordaan broke into the President`s home and spent four days eating
the President`s food and drinking his brandy, before being caught.
? E-tv showed building plans for renovation work to be carried out at
Genadendal and broadcasted schematic diagrams of the entire residence,
including Mbeki`s private quarters.
? Collapse of a Marquee at the Women`s Day event. The Presidents safety was
compromised, when he was allowed to step into a marquee that was unsafe,
unchecked and unapproved.

The assassination of President Mbeki has now become the only option for the
Mac/Mo/Zuma axis. The following issues have been detected:

? Two individuals in the Presidential Protection Unit (PPU) has been
identified and co-opted to assassinate the President.
? His aeroplane has been identified as an option to carry out this act.
? He is being monitored 24 hours a day, with the intention to identify the
opportunity, especially during his electioneering movements in large crowds.
? His Diary Committee is leaking his appointments and movements.
? The NIA/CIS agents in the Right Wing is trying to use them to carry out
the ACT , as was done with Chris Hani.
? Plans of Parliament`s structure, exits, entrances and layout is being
leaked to Right Wing elements, to direct them to assassinate the President,
especially in light of the boeremag trial, without this Mac/Mo/Zuma Axis of
Evil being seen to be behind it.(Ref.Annex.3)

From: Okhela  (Original Message) Sent: 2003/12/03 05:11

Independent Electoral Commission

The NIA has begun to determine the IEC`s use of private companies,
contractors and consultants. The NIA demands the right to give clearance
before the IEC uses the services or employs anyone. This is whilst the IEC
contracts a company called INTEGRA to do its integrity checks. Further, all
security companies used by the IEC has to be registered by the Security
Officers Board, yet the NIA still demands that they have to vet them. The
result is that the NIA puts their friends and companies in the IEC , it is
also a mechanism to award tenders to contacts and business associates, using
the security clearance mechanism.(Ref.Annex 4 Letter from the
Director-General to Brigalia Bam)

This has a snowballing effect on the entire IEC organisation, in terms of it
becoming an intelligence gathering mechanism for the NIA, which then
supplies this information to certain factions in the ANC, to the detriment
of the other political parties. The integrity and independence of the IEC
becomes totally compromised.

What is the formal procedures in regards the relationship between the IEC
and the Security Forces


The National Operation Co-ordinating Committee (NOCOC) is the mechanism for
initiating, planning and controlling the protection of the election process.
(POCOCs at Provincial level)

I.E.C. Role

? To establish the planning requirements and parameters.
? To serve as a member of the NOCOC Priority Committee.
? To monitor the execution of the protection process.


? NIA provides threat analysis
? SAPS establish mechanisms to combat possible threats.
? SANDF supports the SAPS.

Reporting Procedures

? SAPS provides weekly return of election related incidents.
? NIA provides monthly update of threat analysis.

Liaison between Security Establishments and the IEC

? Monthly NOCOC Priority meetings
? Monthly JOINTS meetings
? Weekly NOCOC management meetings

Concept of Operations

? SAPS acting on reports.
? NIA providing continuous threat analysis.
? Deployment of security forces as to threat analysis.
? Forces on hot standby for rapid deployment of events not foreseen.

What is really happening in the IEC in regards its relationship to the NIA
and Security Forces

(I) The IEC lacks capability to verify or dispute the NIA threat
assessment or whether the SAPS uses the correct force to neutralise the
threat. For an example, if the NIA identifies Inkatha Freedom Party as a
threat in a specific area. The security forces acts with a force
commensurate with the threat.

How is the IEC to independently verify or dispute the threat analysis of
NIA, and how does it verify or dispute whether the force used is
commensurate with the threat?

(II) In July 2003, the IEC-CEO Pansy Tlakula met with the Director-General
of the NIA, Vusi Mavimbela, at his office in Pretoria for a private one to
one meeting for an hour. Thereafter she called in her deputy to introduce
him to the NIA Director-General. Mavimbela and Tlakula agreed that William
Masango (NIA) will be appointed to handle all matters in the IEC vetting
of people, security clearances, tenders, employees, companies, etc. This was
done outside the NOCOC structure.

There was a follow up meetings between the IEC- CEO and Masango, whereby a
secret NIA team was set-up to co-ordinate all activities of the IEC. This
team is comprised of:

? Nkutu Moalosi (5303036428087)
? William Masango
? Paul van Niekerk
? Richard Stoltz
? Mbatha

Lubusi Mapanga, the IEC head of Information Technology complained on the
11/08/03 at a finance/audit/IT meeting that he was being harassed by William
Masango demanding all information on the IEC-IT. Lubisi Mapanga refused to
hand over the information. William Masango said that he is acting on the
instructions of the IEC-CEO. Lubisi then informed Masango that he must ask
the CEO for the information.

Why is the NIA doing this?

To give their business associates advantage over the IEC-IT and other IT
tendering processes. They are also collecting dirt on opposition parties
candidates, ANC candidates, etc. Vusi Mavimbela and the NIAs agenda is
clear. They are attempting to compromise the integrity and the independence
of the IEC and by so doing bringing the results of the election into
question. Therefore, bringing Thabo Mbeki into disrepute and embarrassing
him in Africa and internationally, especially with regards his NEPAD and
Peer Review mechanisms. Thus creating a similar situation to Zimbabwe and
Nigeria with regards the security forces role in elections. Through this
strategy they are attempting to determine the succession after Mbeki. The
more questionable the results of the election, the stronger their chance of
putting in their succession team.

It is fundamental that a parallel independent IEC security information
management, collection and analysis capability be structured to enrich,
verify or dispute the current picture provided by the security forces, as
well to inform the action or prevention measures undertaken.

From: Okhela  (Original Message) Sent: 2003/12/03 05:11 

Mac Maharaj

Besides the corruption allegations raised in the media there are numerous
other issues, such as:

Hamaid Baig deposited large sums of money into Zarina Maharajs bank
account, which was then transferred into Macs bond account on his Hyde Park
house. This was during the period; Mac was still the minister of transport.
Hamaid Baig is a Pakistani with US citizenship. He runs his operations from
the Bahamas. We suspect Hamaid Baig is part of Schabir Shaiks money
laundering operations.

Mac and Vicky Goswami (Drug Dealer) had a close relationship. Goswami and
Mac had a fallout over 24 hectares of prime beachfront property in East
London, which was bought by drug money. Goswami wanted to use the land as
collateral in a deal, Mac refused, insisting that the land belongs to him.

The head of the Mozambican Indian Mafia, Sergio Vieira, has a close business
relationship with Mac Maharaj around the Maputo corridor.

Advocate P.J. Pretorius, in his book Sell-Out ( Libanon Publishers -1996,
page, 335) wrote: Operation Vula, with Mac Maharaj (NISs major source
around the SACPs Operation Vula) at its head, had expanded into major
underground network. When he was asked about his source in this regard,
he categorically stated that he heard this information in a NIS management

P.J. Botha was a one time handler of Mac Maharaj, and ran NIS operations
from London.

A week ago Mac Maharaj attempted to hire a former British Special Air
Services (SAS) operative, Mike Snow. Mac requested the following from Snow:

1. A file on Bulelani in regards womanising, drinking and any other dirt.
2. A file on the Scorpions structure, functional and operational so as to
show how Bulelani could abuse his power.
3. A file to prove that M16 (British Intelligence) is running the Scorpions,
with Ngcuka and Mbeki as agents of M16.

At this point Mike Snow asked Mac, that, what guarantees he has that he won
t be arrested. Mac told him that French Intelligence is supporting them, and
further, Jackie Selebi will give Snow a letter, covering the operation, also
that Selebi will try to stage a public arrest of Nick Rowell of the
Scorpions on the grounds of espionage (agent of M16).

Mo Shaik

He has been the most successful double agent of NIS, even more successful
than Craig Williamson. His handlers were:

? Hendrik Johannes Botha
? Salmon Johannes Gerhardus Du Preez
? Lourence Gerald Wasserman
? Johannes Albertus Steyn
? Casper Adriaan van der Westhuizen
? Brandt Visagie
? Andre Oosthuizen (OPM)

Jacob Zuma

Besides the corruption issues raised in the media, there are other issues in
regards him, namely:

The Estate of his late wife Kate (poisoned) which includes an eighteen
million rand house in Camps Bay, Cape Town.

Malaysian intelligence reports show that Schabir Shaik and Jacob Zuma,
together with Allan Thethard (French Businessman) met on numerous occasions
at the Regent Hotel in Malaysia.

In one occasion, Zuma introduced Thethard to the then South African High
Commissioner, Maite, at a dinner.

Schabir Shaik has paid the lobola for Zumas latest wife from Swaziland,
Princess Sebentile Dlamini.

Schabir Shaik paid for Zumas divorce settlement to Nkosazana Zuma.

Zuma has been calling focus groups, comprising members of parliament, ANC
NEC members, Director-Generals, CEOs of Parastatals ,Transnet, Academics,
Ambassadors and members of the Foreign Affairs Department, explaining his
innocence, that there is an agenda against him not to become president.
Further, he made promises and undertakings in these secret meetings that
when he becomes President, he will solve all their problems, and especially
he will address the plight of the MK veterans.

The role of Jacob Zuma in the King Shaka Airport (Durban) developments, and
the surrounding lands. The feasibility studies were available to Zuma (When
he was MEC for Economic Affairs), Ketso Gordhan, Mac Maharaj and Schabir
Shaik, who subsequently bought large tracts of surrounding lands. Now, they
intend to sell the very same land to the state at an inflated price.

Nelson Mandela instructed Ishmael Ayob to write a letter to the Malaysian
President (29/09/94), the letter stated:

Mr Schabir Shaik has not been authorised by the ANC to represent our
interest in Maylasia and we are shocked to learn that, despite the president
s explicit warning to him, not to do so, he is continuing to misrepresent
the ANC.

Why did Zuma disregard this directive and took Schabir Shaik with him to
Malaysia and endorsed him ?

Further, Jacob Zuma flew Schabir Shaik, Charles Nqakula and his wife on July
2002 to Malaysia. This was eight months after being charged with possession
of confidential Cabinet documents.

What was Zumas motive ?

What were the Minister of SAPS, Charles Nqakula and his wife Nosiviwe
Mapisa-Nqakula doing with Schabir Shaik in Malaysia ?

Further, four months earlier, Shabir Shaik accompanied Zuma to Senegal to
attend a NEPAD conference. Days later, the Senegalese president, flew to
France for a meeting with Thales.

Why has money changed hands between Sean Cleary and Jacob Zuma in Swaziland

In 1993, the ANCs Motsuenyane Commission implicated Zuma in human rights
abuses when he was the ANCs security organ head known as Imbokodo.

Jacob Zumas role in Thami Zulus death. A pathologist found traces of the
deadly organo-phosphate diazinon in his blood a fast acting poison which
would have been ingested shortly before his death. This was a result of
Operation Bible.

The Media

Ranjeni Munusamy, Vusi Mona, Elias Maluleka, Rafiq Rohan, Jimmy Seepe and
others are in the Mac/ Mo/ Zumas axis and carry out their objectives.

In regards Ranjeni Munusamy, most journalists were aware that the Zuma camp
gave her the questions given to him by the Scorpions, and then Zuma blamed
the Scorpions for the leak. He went as far as saying:

This is a serious breach of confidentiality and contrary to the spirit and
terms of NPA, relating to the confidentiality of information received and

The former Sunday Times Editor, Mathatha Tsedu, said in the newspaper
editorial of 21/09/03:

Munusamy said she had been shown a database compiled by the ANC
intelligence operatives which contained more than 200 names of people
investigated by the unit and found to be spies. These names included those
of Cabinet Ministers, Journalists and Ngcuka. 

Now, she refuses to testify to the Hefer commission. The point is everybody
knows that her sources were Mac and Mo. They gave her information retrieved
from Operation Bible data base, which as already outlined previously was
compiled by former NIS operatives to discredit ANC leaders as graphically
shown by the confused information around agent RS452. Thus contrary to what
Mac and Mo claim, Operation Bible was a revelation from the apartheid
intelligence operatives, not God.

Ranjeni`s call upon journalistic ethics is extremely hypocritical. She never
had qualms when she was working on the instructions of Mo Shaik to
investigate the source of former PAC MP Patricia de Lille on the arms deal
corruption, whom she met as a journalist, and then exposed the source. SANEP
was silent??

The objective of this story is the same as the agent RS452 disclosure, to
embarrass the president that he is running a private secret service.

Brett Kebble

Western Areas Chief Executive Brett Kebble and his father and fellow board
member, Roger Kebble, went on trial on the 14/10/03 in Johannesburgs High
Court on insider trading charges. The Kebbles are alleged to have bought
shares in 1999 in Randfontein Estates, a gold mining company now owned by
Harmony Gold Mining, without following stock market disclosure rules as they
sought to take the company.

Brett Kebble was investigated by the Scorpions for this. He entered the fray
by publicly accusing Ngcuka of pursuing a private agenda. He further
levelled accusations of racism and abuse of public office. Thus converging
with Zuma/Mac/Mo camp and became political.

The ANC Youlth League Leadership through their investment arm, Lembede
Investments, which was set up by the Kebbles with 5 million rands , used
their political influence and network to secure businesses for Kebble.
Instead of 80% of profits going to the ANCYL, only 20% went to the League
and the rest 80% was shared by the ANCYL leadership, including Malusi
Gigaba, Lunga Ncwana, Andile Nkuhlu, Songezo Mjongile ,Fikile Mbalula.

This group within the ANCYL, shared Kebbles agenda against Ngcuka. The rest
of the ANCYL members has complained about this Kebble backed Gigaba clique
and its control of the rest of the League. Their main objective is
self-enrichment and only take instructions from Zuma and Kebble.

Charles Nqakula (Vula agent) arranged a meeting between Maduna and Brett
Kebble without Maduna knowing what was going to be discussed.

Maduna wrote to Kebble:

I wish to take this opportunity to remind you not so long ago I was taken
to a residence of yours or your fathers in Johannesburg by my colleague,
Charles Nqakulaostensibly for a luncheon with friends, but which,
unexpectedly, culminated in a discussion of your numerous criminal cases
that are to come before court room.

In the conflict between the Kebbles and Mark Wellesley-Wood, Billy Masetla,
then DG of Home Affairs, under the instructions of the Brett Kebble,
declared Wellsley-Wood a United Kingdom citizen, a prohibited immigrant. But
later Minister Buthelezi over-turned this prohibition.
The Kebbles are following the same route as Zuma, accusing Bulelani of abuse
of power and are taking the issue to the Public Protector. Who is using

Brett Kebble has moved to the same stage as Niko Shaffer. They want to build
a political base, political power, of control to direct the state to suit
their financial interests. In this regards he has the following individuals
on retainers:

? Tony Yengeni gets R100 000 retainer
? Lunga Ncwana- gets R200 000 retainer
? Sello of Matodzi gets R200 000 retainer

Jackie Selebi

Selebi needs to explain himself on a number of issues, including the

Selebis role in the Airports Company (ACSA) in pushing Khuselani Security
and Risk Management, a company he has an interest in, and the usage of SAPS
to detain Mashudu Ramano and questioned him on being an illegal immigrant.

He also used SAPS to investigate Paul O Sullivan, the ACSA Executive for
Aviation Security.

His role in the armed criminal attack on Mashudus house as well as an
attack on Sullivan.

His relationship to Judge Jerome Ngwenya and his brother Noel Ngwenya. ACSA
accused Selebi of pressurising them not to cancel the R99-million rands
security contract of Khuselani.

Afrika Khumalo, Selebis right hand man, and chief extortionist for
protection from SAPS investigations on behalf of Selebi and his network, is
well known in business circles and in the underworld. They are also funded
by Niko Shaffer.

The heist at the airport of foreign currency, diamonds and jewellery worth
R150-million taken from the airport. Khuselani and Africa Khumalo were
involved together with NIA operatives stationed at the airport.

Selebes relationship with Palto, VIP protection firm and Associated
Intelligence Network (AIN).

Selebe made a bomb threat at the airport, but the airport security
management let him go, unlike civilians who are arrested on the sport.

Should he not be investigated for abuse of office and to his suitability to
be commissioner of SAPS?

Niko Shaffer

Niko Shaffer has the most formidable network in the South African
Intelligence Community and Security Forces, as well as within the Department
of Foreign Affairs. His business partners are the Sissulu Family and he
operates under the protection of Lindiwe Sissulu.

He is the main deal maker and financier of the embedded parallel
intelligence structure within the official state structures. He provides and
creates the funds for the removal of Thabo Mbeki.

In Africa, most South African Ambassadors, and nearly all SASS operatives
work for him in making deals, getting concessions, arms trafficking,
involvement in conflict diamonds and corrupting African leaders, all in the
name of NEPAD. He has been listed in the UN Report on Conflict Diamonds.
Shaffer and his business partners in all services of the state, is an
embarrassment and insult to Thabo Mbeki , especially in light of Nepad and
the African Union.( Ref. Annex 5 HSBC Report on Shaffer and company


The Mac/Mo/Zuma axis directed Stratcom Strategys main target is Thabo
Mbeki. Ngcuka is the means to that end.

Other casualities of this stratcom strategy were:

? Chris Hani
? Patricia de Lille
? Andrew Feinstein
? Gavin Woods
? Richard Young
? Terry Crawford Brown
? Bantu Holomisa
? Winnie Mandela
? Pallo Jordan
? Bheki Jacobs

In the Bheki Jacobs case, Vusi Mavimbela personally ran this dirty tricks
operation. Bheki has been under surveillance for two years, all his business
clients are threatened not to give him work(including the IEC), his phones
are bugged, disinformation is spread about him and he is constantly
harassed. Mavimbela has been trying to prove a link between Mbeki and Bheki,
so that he can embarrass the President. No link was found. The issue that
worries us is that there is talk in NIA circles to have Bheki arrested and
killed by convicts in a prison or police station, or to have him killed in a
car hijacking, etc. We fear that when killings of this nature start, it
never ends.


Our democracy is under threat. The intelligence community and security
forces are behaving more and more like their predecessors.

We need a commission of inquiry, comprising of all political parties,
prominent individuals and experts to investigate, rebuild and guide our
intelligence community and security forces.

We need a mechanism, whereby, individuals, companies and organisations have
recourse to challenge the quality and accuracy of the intelligence gathered
on them by the intelligence community.

We need mechanisms whereby the intelligence provided to the President, on
which foreign policy is based, can be challenged in terms of quality and

Miss de Lille, we ask for your help in stopping this rot and abuse of power,
all done under the banner of secrecy and non-disclosure in the national

Concerned Patriotic Intelligence Community loyal to the Constitution of the
Republic of South Africa



Arms deal investigations are exposing the links between business and politics within the ANC. Politics has become a means to wealth and business deals a source of political influence and power. ANC politics and business can still be divided roughly into two opposing camps. THABO’S BOYS VS VULA’S BOYS What are we to make of the arrest of Tony Yengeni, Parliament’s former defence committee chairman?And the police raids on the home and offices of Shabir Shaik, MD of armaments company ADS and brother of South Africa’s arms procurement chief, Chippy Shaik? What are the prospects that the official investigations of alleged irregularities in the government’s (now R60 billion-plus) arms procurement programme will “go all the way”? The last question is eerily echoed in a 1998 report by Washington Post correspondent David Ignatius about an arms deal scandal that continues to haunt French politics [page 21]. “A large bomb is ticking away in the midst of French political life – a scandal that could explode with tremendous force or, as is often the case in France, be quietly defused and buried …” In 1998 a corruption investigation by Judge Eva Joly turned really nasty when she found evidence that French defence giant Thomson-CSF had acquired former foreign minister Dumas’ mistress’s services as a lobbyist – just when the company needed government approval for a $2.5b deal to supply frigates to Taiwan. Dumas had been a key opponent of the deal, but within a year it was approved – without any explanation. “Chirac must decide soon,” wrote Ignatius, “whether to encourage an escalation of the judicial probe [to include the frigate deal] – and, figuratively speaking, bring down the pillars of the temple – or instead try to contain the investigation.” Likewise, will President Thabo Mbeki allow the investigation to go the whole way, risking bringing down the pillars of the temple, or will he seek to limit the enquiry to small-time corruption involving secondary contracts only? Foolish question. But let’s have a closer look at the situation anyway, both current and historical, and see if our suspicions are correct. Arms-deals investigators will quickly have discovered that those within the ANC most interested in the deals can be divided roughly into two competing groups: the Vula Boys and Thabo’s Boys. While both are equally anxious to maintain their grip on power and their cut of the arms deal profits, the difference between them could just influence who will be sacrificed and who will be saved in the arms-deal investigations. The Vula Boys are the collection of communists and (mostly Natal) ANC intelligence operatives who set up Operation Vula, the secret pre-1990 programme to develop the leadership and financial networks inside SA needed to launch a violent revolution. Vula was controversial because it was secret even inside the ANC: the wider ANC leadership – including Thabo Mbeki – knew nothing about it. (Treason? The Vula Boys would later claim their scheme had been sanctioned by party president Oliver Thambo, which sounds convenient, because, by then, he was too ill to confirm or deny this.) That gap between the groups appears to have persisted. Vula was led by Mac Maharaj (later made Minister of Transport by Mandela – but fired by Mbeki). It included Siphiwe Nyanda (now Defence Force Chief), Ronnie Kasrils (moved by Mbeki from Defence to Water Affairs), Mo Shaik (demoted from national intelligence co-ordinator to ambassador in Morocco), and Shaik’s brother Shabir (who, recent events suggest, has lost the protection he once might have expected). Deputy President Jacob Zuma (then still ANC intelligence chief) was apparently also within the Vula network and is widely perceived to be the closest the group has to a protector in government. (Shabir Shaik is said still to handle his personal financial affairs.) Operation Vula militated against another initiative within the ANC, the Mbeki-led efforts at dialogue with the apartheid state. Vula continued its secret operations following the ANC’s unbanning in 1990, leading to increasing conflict between Vula operatives and the ANC leadership about strategy and the direction of negotiations. “The views of the Vula comrades were largely ignored,” the group’s former communications man Tim Jenkins wrote in 1995. The level of conflict between the two groups was such that in February 1990 Maharaj quit the ANC. Mandela – just released from prison – persuaded him to retract his resignation, but in June 1990 Vula’s cover was blown following the arrest in Natal of two of its operatives, Charles Ndaba and Mbuso Shabalala. (Both later murdered by security police, purportedly to prevent the exposure of Ndaba as a police agent.) In the midst of negotiations, Mbeki was confronted by the Afrikaner Nationalist negotiators with evidence of a secret ANC unit of which he had been unaware. FW de Klerk sanctimoniously charged the ANC with secretly plotting insurrection while negotiating a settlement. Some sources believe Mbeki was so angry that, in effect, he allowed the Vula network to be hung out to dry. Maharaj and others were arrested and released on bail only after the Pretoria agreement with De Klerk had already been signed. Mbeki allowed these key hawks within the ANC to be side-lined. In mid-December 1990 Maharaj again “retired” from the ANC. Again Mandela brought him back - and into the Cabinet. Where are the Vula Boys now? They are positioned strategically throughout state structures. The Shaik brothers’ mentor, that stalwart communist academic Pravin Gordhan, like Maharaj, was unlikely to be welcomed into Mbeki’s political structures; instead he heads the SA Revenue Service, where he has been joined by old comrades Vuso Shabalala (Customs), Ivan Pillay (Special Investigations) and Sirish Soni. [It is said ex-poachers make great game-keepers! – Ed.] Solly Shoke is now mission director for the SANDF, Raymond Lalla is a senior official in police intelligence and Mpho Scott is an MP who appears to be somewhere at the centre of just about every major empowerment deal – including the arms deal. The repeated surfacing of Vula members in alleged plots is no co-incidence. Remember the report which the ill-fated Georg Meiring (then SANDF head) presented to President Mandela in which it was alleged that Meiring’s 21C (Siphiwe Nyanda) was plotting with ANC radicals against the government? Whatever Meiring and friends’ interest in its telling, there could’ve been something to the story – only the plot is more likely to have been against Mbeki than Mandela. Maharaj’s name was floated by ANC sources in connection with last year’s bizarre Mbeki plot allegations. There are clearly ideological issues involved in the conflict. Maharaj, Gordhan and company are associated with the ANC’s left wing, which includes much of the white left, and is seen as sympathetic to ex-trade unionist Cyril Ramaphosa. At least two of the Shaik brothers have privately expressed concern at the “crude Africanism” espoused by some of Mbeki’s acolytes. It is said that, in the course of their arms-deal inquiry, the Scorpions have taken an interest in the relationship between Maharaj, Gordhan, Zuma and the Shaiks. (Ronnie Kasrils is suing several newspapers for suggesting that the Scorpions were at one stage investigating him.) It would be no surprise if they were. While Maharaj was in charge, the Department of Transport got Shabir Shaik’s company Nkobi Investments on its feet via a R4-billion tollroad contract on the N3 highway. (Nkobi has a small share of the consortium.) This was followed by a R400m contract for the production of credit card-type driver’s licenses – Nkobi’s first joint venture with French arms company Thomson-CSF and with Denel.  The N3 toll consortium is worth a closer look. [see end.] Among the major shareholders is Rand Merchant Bank, part of the FirstRand Merchant Bank, part of the FirstRand Group, where Comrade Maharaj has since become a director. (Two other group subsidiaries, Wesbank and FirstAuto, also each won R750m contracts while Maharaj was transport minister). Also on the RMB board is Ahmed Sadek Vahed (of the AM Moola group), whose daughter is married to Shabir Shaik. And, thanks to Rapport, we now know that Pravin Gordhan, Commissioner of the SA Revenue Service, at the request of Shaik solved a tax problem for the AM Moola group. This personal service, explained a spokesman for SARS, was part of Revenue’s "open door" policy. Rapport also told us that Gordhan’s brother-in-law works for Shabir. And that Shabir handles Jacob Zuma’s finances. All one big happy family. All this might lead one to suspect that the recent raids by the Scorpions on the offices of Nkobi Holdings and the home of Schabir Shaik might have been politically motivated. Not so, we are assured: the raids took place on the basis of specific information. Furthermore, judges in Paris and Mauritius – where raids took place on Thomson-CSF (now called Thales) offices – have to have been convinced that good grounds existed for those raids. But that’s not to say investigators are not under political pressure. They are. Government is desperate to avoid any suggestion of corruption in the prime contracts, which would place them in jeopardy. Investigators have been told not to bother former Defence Minister Joe Modise, who is apparently dying of cancer. There are whispers that Jayendra Naidoo (who negotiated the final deals) has also been declared out of bounds to investigators. Ian Pierce, an accountant who is reputed to have several present and former cabinet ministers as clients, and who set up many of the empowerment companies involved, continues simply to defy a subpoena to hand over documents. And the focus on the Shaiks has diverted attention from Thabo’s Boys’ also having their snouts deep in the arms-deal trough. To be continued . . . Footnote: More about the N3 toll consortium Also once a director was Mohamed Enver Asmal (said to be related to Kader), whose company, Profour, won the tender to revamp Durban Airport. (Profour then promptly went bust, but that’s another story.) Yet another director was George Negota, possibly representing that firm with an impeccable Hervormde Kerk/ Broederbond heritage, BKS engineering. (He is chair of Khuthele Projects, a BKS subsidiary that specialises in transport consultancy.) BKS, which amassed a fortune on state projects under apartheid, is poised to build on that solid foundation with the new elite. (Joe Modise was recently appointed chair of BKS.) Its subsidiary, Tollink, has won contracts to run tolls on the N3 and N4. It is doing work for Coega. It’s in on the Gauteng high-speed train project. It owns the rights to the technical information for the proposed La Mercy airport. So it goes.

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