Monday, April 11, 2011

Malema's Warning

Malema warned AfriForum marchers

Apr 11, 2011 

ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema allegedly warned AfriForum leaders they will suffer the same fate as Inkatha Freedom Party supporters killed outside ANC headquarters Shell House in 1994, the Equality Court in Johannesburg heard on Monday. 


Shell House 1994 

IFP March to Shell House - Pictures 

 During the hate speech case against Malema, AfriForum deputy CEO Ernst Roets said the warning came at a meeting between the ANCYL and their counterparts in AfriForum, ahead of a march by the civil society organisation to the ANC’s Johannesburg headquarters. 

The planned march by AfriForum youth to the league’s headquarters in Johannesburg was hampered when ANCYL league spokespeople

                                                    Floyd Shivambu and

Magdalene Moonsamy failed to send a legally required letter that they would accept a memorandum. 

Two days before the march AfriForum went to Luthuli House by invitation of Shivambu. They met in Malema’s seventh floor corner office. 

Shivambu had proposed the league would provide the paperwork satisfying the legal requirement, if AfriForum withdrew its legal action against Malema. 

“If you come into my office tomorrow, what happened to the IFP in 1994 will happen to you,” Malema allegedly said. 

 When Roets asked what he meant he was told: “Come tomorrow and see.” Roets said he did not know what Malema was talking about. 

 AfriForum CEO Kallie Kriel then explained he was referring to ANC supporters who shot and killed 19 IFP supporters during a march outside the ANC’s old Johannesburg head office Shell House. 

Roets said he was worried, but it was too late to call off the AfriForum march. 

Instead, members of the organisation gathered at Mary Fitzgerald square and he, Kriel and three musicians, including Steve Hofmeyr, went to ANC headquarters Luthuli House.
They tried to hand over a file containing the names of over 1600 people attacked on farms, but the papers were thrown into the air, stamped on and driven over. 

                                                                    Steve Hofmeyr

During the lengthy meeting, “a lot was said” where the league wanted to know why Malema was being taken to court.
The league also threatened to have the song “De La Rey” by Bok van Blerk declared hate speech. 

DE LA REY by Bok Van Blerk

Roets said the meeting took a racial turn when Malema said whites were getting richer and blacks poorer, and that there was no such thing as a rich black man.
Roets named Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale as a rich black man, but Malema said Sexwale was poor because he owed the banks money. 

The youth league delegation then explained the song was not about white people, but against oppressors and apartheid. They then concluded that whites oppressed farmworkers. 

Earlier, film footage of Malema singing lyrics translated as “shoot the boer” were shown in court. At first Malema and the public gallery were quiet, but eventually muffled laughter was heard from the gallery and the occasional discrete smile was seen from Malema as he was shown singing at various occasions. 

However, as AfriForum’s lawyers moved on to a clip of him evicting a BBC journalist from a press conference in April 2010, his lawyer Vincent Maleka objected, saying the clip contained subject matter not related to the case. 

                                                               Vincent Maleka
AfriForum advocate Martin Brassey said they wanted to establish repeat behaviour. Earlier he said Malema had “the tendencies” of a ”demagogue” with race-based resentment of whites.
“This song was sung by an influential and controversial political leader within a high position, a very high position in the ruling party,” Brassey said. 

Judge Collin Lamont asked Brassey to move on, saying they could revisit the footage later. 

Roets said AfriForum had black and white members. In the five years he had been with AfriForum the singing of this song had concerned members the most. 

Afriforum want the lyrics of the song prohibited, arguing that it was harmful to Afrikaners and farmers. 

Farmers’ organisation Tau-SA and the Association of Lawyers for Afrikaans are supporting AfriForum in the application. 

Malema was protected by at least five armed bodyguards at court case.

“It’s none of your business who is paying for it, but it is not government,” Shivambu said outside court during a recess, when asked about the guards. 

They stood out in their black suits, white shirts, red ties and sunglasses with the muzzles of their M14 assault rifles pointing at the ground.

The case was adjourned until Tuesday. 

McBride Ruling a Victory


The Constitutional Court upholding the Citizen newspaper's appeal in a defamation case by former Ekurhuleni metro police chief, Robert McBride, is a victory for freedom of expression and the media, says the SA National Editors' Forum (Sanef).

"Sanef, which supported the Citizen's appeal as a friend of the court (amicus), believes that the finding will aid newspapers in their battle against defamation claims and strengthen the principles of freedom of expression and freedom of the media," said Sanef in a statement on Monday.

"Sanef notes the important point of principle established by the Constitutional Court that published criticism was protected even if it were extreme, unjust, unbalanced, exaggerated and prejudiced so long as it expressed an honestly-held opinion, without malice, on a matter of public interest on facts that were true."

The Constitutional Court in a unanimous judgment held on Friday that the Reconciliation Act did not make the fact that McBride committed murder untrue.

The court found that the act did not prohibit frank public discussion of his act as "murderer" and did not prevent his being described as a "criminal".

The Constitutional Court said that protected comment need not be "fair or just at all" in any sense in which these terms were commonly understood.

The Citizen's main appeal was upheld and the court dismissed McBride's cross-appeal, but nevertheless found that the newspaper had defamed McBride by claiming falsely that he was not remorseful.

McBride was afforded R50 000 for this, reducing his damages awarded by the lower court from R150 000.

The matter relates to 2003 when The Citizen newspaper published a number of articles and editorials questioning McBride's candidacy for the head of the Ekurhuleni metro police.

The articles said McBride had been unsuitable because he was a "criminal" and a "murderer".

16 Lawyers for Malema’s Hate Speech Trial


ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema sat at the end of a bank of 16 lawyers poised to argue whether it is hate speech to sing the lyrics "shoot the boer", in a long-awaited case which began in the Equality Court on Monday.

Court 8a of the South Gauteng High Court in Johannesburg, sitting as the Equality Court, was packed as Judge Collin Lamont first listened to an application by trade union Solidarity and eNews to broadcast proceedings.

Malema, dressed in a formal three-piece suit in anthracite tones, was accompanied by league spokesperson Floyd Shivambu, among others.

A projection screen was set up against a wall and boxes of lever arch files rested nearby as's counsel Matthew Chaskalson argued that they should be allowed two cameras.

Lamont was opposed to adjournments to set up the cameras and he agreed that it should only take place during tea time.

Malema heavily guarded

There was no open signage or slogans on t-shirts supportive of either side at the opening of proceedings and the vociferous supporters that usually accompany Malema were absent.

He was, however, heavily guarded on his arrival at the court.

The Tshwane-based lobby group AfriForum and the Transvaal Agricultural Union of SA (TAU SA) have objected to Malema's singing of "shoot the boer" on at least five occasions.

They claim the lyrics are hurtful to certain ethnic groups, especially Afrikaners and farmers and could incite harm or propagate hatred against them.

They hope the court will declare that the "utterances" constitute hate speech in terms of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act.

They also hope the court will order Malema to make an unconditional apology to the groups and individuals affected, and ask the Director of Public Prosecutions to prosecute him in terms of the Regulation of Gatherings Act.

AfriForum want payment of R50 000

AfriForum and TAU SA want the court to interdict him from "inciting, encouraging or promoting hostility to other ethnic groups, Afrikaners and Afrikaner farmers not least".

They want him to pay R50 000 to the TAU SA trauma fund which assists victims of farm attacks, and to pay the cost of the suit.

The Vereeniging van Regslui vir Afrikaans (the Association of Lawyers for Afrikaans) has been admitted as a friend of the court.

In the ANC's papers, supplied to the media by AfriForum, it rejected AfriForum's notion that it was a civil rights protection group and that it was acting on behalf of Afrikaners or its members.

The ANC believed that when understood in their historical context, the words were not "objectionable utterances" as claimed and that "ibhunu or ibhulu" or "amabhulu" did not refer to farmers.

Reason for High Court use

It believed the words were not "reasonably capable" of being construed as showing an intention to be hurtful, harmful, incite harm or promote hatred against Afrikaners.

The ANC said the times Malema sang the song were consistent with the occasions at which such liberation songs were usually sung by comrades, among themselves, with no intention to be harmful.

"The ANC denies that any adverse 'associations' can reasonably be made with the words of the liberation song in question," it said in court papers.

The Equality Court is sitting at the High Court, instead of the magistrate's court where it normally sits, because the high court has wider jurisdiction.

Political Violence

92% of the 21 000 Blacks killed from 1948-1994 in SA and Namibia in political violence were Black on Black Attacks!

by Ajk Raad on Monday, April 11, 2011 

BY Vusile Tshabalala, journalist,(a black journalist)---- At the start of the year 1900, the number of African South Africans was found to be 3,5-million according to the British colonial government census. By 1954, our African population had soared to 8,5-million -- and by 1990, there were a full 35-million of us -- all carefully managed, closely policed, counted, shunted around in homelands and townships -- and all of us chafing and griping under the suppressive yoke of the Afrikaner Broederbond's rigid racial segregation system.

During apartheid, our population grew apace however because we also had the benefit of the Broers' medical knowledge and their excellent agricultural skills.
Our population growth and our average life expectancy in fact showed us Africans in South Africa to be in better than average health when compared to other Africans on the rest of the continent: in the decades prior to the official policy of apartheid,(which was started in 1948), the average life expectancy of African South Africans was only 38 years.

However, during the last decade of the apartheid era from 1948 to 1994, our average life expectancy had risen to 64 years -- on a par with Europe's average life expectancy. Moreover, our infant death rates had by then also been reduced from 174 to 55 infant deaths per thousand, higher than Europe's, but considerably lower than the rest of the African continent's.
And the African population in South Africa had by then also increased by 50% percent.(source: "a crime against humanity: analysing repression of the Apartheid State", by Max Coleman of the Human Rights Committee).

Deaths due to political violence during apartheid:

Max Coleman's authoritative book analyses all deaths due to political violence from 1948 to 1994 in South Africa and Namibia.

According to the HRC statistics, 21,000 people died in political violence in South Africa during apartheid - of whom 14,000 people died during the six-year transition process from 1990 to 1994. The book lists the number of incidents, dates, and those involved.
This includes SA Defence Force actions, for instance the 600 deaths at Kassinga in Angola during the war in 1978.

Of those deaths, the vast majority, 92%, have been primarily due to Africans killing Africans -- such as the inter-tribal battles for territory: this book's detailed analyses of the period June 1990 to July 1993 indicates a total of 8580 (92%) of the 9,325 violent deaths during the period June 1990 to July 1993 were caused by Africans killing Africans, or as the news media often calls it, "Black on Black" violence - hostel killings, Inkatha Freedom Party versus ANC killlings, and taxi and turf war violence.

The activities of the Civil Cooperation Bureau as outlined by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, were also included in these figures.

The security forces caused 518 deaths (5.6%)  throughout this period
And again, during the transitional period, the primary causes of deaths were not security forces nor white right-wing violence against blacks, but mainly due to "black-on-black necklace murders", tribal conflict between the ANC-IFP, bombs by the ANC and PAC's military wings in shopping centers, landmines on farm roads, etc.

After apartheid:Here is another link to an official website stating the apartheid deaths as 21,000.
You see the blacks that enlarged the figures did so for political reasons and by means of propaganda based on lies.

Currently more people are murdered EVERY YEAR compared to the amount of people that died during the 60 years of the apartheid government's reign.

IT WORKS OUT THAT 60 TIMES MORE PEOPLE HAVE BEEN KILLED UNDER THE ANC, which makes them about 60 times as evil.

In my books that's pretty evil.
‎92% of the 21 000 Blacks killed from 1948-1994 in SA and Namibia in political violence were Black on Black Murders with a total of 19 320. 5.6% were killed in clases with the police and military services or a total of 1176. 1.1% or a total of 273 were unsolved murders and only 1.2% or a total of 231 blacks were killed in white on black violence or 5.06 blacks per year over that 46 year period.

Boer war memorial destroyed

By Mike Smith
26 June 2010

Genocide is not just the killing of a people belonging to a certain group, it is also destruction of their language, their culture, their monuments and history.

The Satanic Marxist scum has never and will never build or produce anything in their miserable lives. All they can do is destroy and consume.
What Marx could not be or could not have he wanted to destroy. A pathetic laughable creature who was perpetually poor, supported by his friend Friedrich Engels, from whom he begged money on a daily basis. Whatever money Marx, the Great Economist, did not drink or gamble away he lost on the stock market.

Marx wrote in his poem, “Menschenstoltz” (Human Pride)

With Disdain I will throw my gauntlet
Full in the face of the world,
And see the collapse of this pigmy giant
Whose fall will not stifle my adour.
Then will I wander godlike and victorious
Through the ruins of the world
And, giving my words an active force,
I will feel equal to the Creator.

(„Mit Verachtung werf ich der Welt
den Fehdehandschuh voll ins Gesicht,
und beobachte den Zusammenbruch dieses Zwergriesen,
dessen Fall meinen Hass nicht ersticken wird.
Götter ähnlich darf ich wandeln
Siegreich ziehen durch ihr Ruinenreich.
Jedes Wort ist Glut und Handel,
Meine Brust dem Schöpferbusen gleich“)


This is the Destroyer Marx who after destroying the world feels himself equal to the Creator. Only a sick, twisted, narcistic and satanic mind could think up such drivel.

Yet Marx does not seem to have a shortage of followers. We see his followers still destroying everything they cannot be or cannot own.

It must be horrible when you have nothing to be proud of; when you have no heroes and no monuments you can erect. It must be horrible when your only icons and idols are cowardly Marxist terrorist scum who rape torture and kill the elderly, women and children.

Therefore they have to destroy everything that belongs and was built by the pious Boers, including the monuments they erected to their fallen heroes. By denigrating the Boers they can feel themselves equal to God.

And their diabolic siblings in the press cover it up as ordinary crime. Poor, black people looking for treasure they call it, almost invoking sympathy for the destroyers of our heritage. We should feel sorry for the ones committing genocide against us.

There have been several revolutions in history all with a goal. The American Revolution had freedom as its goal and the French Revolution democracy. But Marx’s revolution carries on forever. It will never stop until the entire world is lying in ruins. In South Africa the Marxists have the same goal. They will not stop until every single Boer, his history his language, his culture and his monuments are destroyed.

That is why appeasement will never work with the spawn of Satan. Death to the self or total annihilation of the forces of Hell is the only solution. You either perish or you start fighting back!

SANDF Unveils Shock Aids Data

(Posted on August 2, 2004)  7 years ago!!

The combat readiness of the South African National Defence Force is under threat, with the latest results of an Aids project showing that an overwhelming 89 percent of those soldiers who volunteered for testing were HIV-positive. 

The SANDF is also losing at least 400 000 working days a year because of the disease.

This was disclosed at a five-day conference held in Richards Bay this week. Sixteen African countries attended the conference, which was a collaboration between the SANDF and the United States. The aim is to establish the rate of infection and the effects of anti-retroviral treatment on South Africa’s military forces.

In the first six months of the project 1 089 soldiers volunteered to be tested, of whom 947 were found to be HIV-positive. The average age of the sample was 34, and 60 percent of volunteers were married.

Rear-Admiral JG Engelbrecht said infected soldiers in the early stages of the disease were absent for an average of 20 days a year. This increased to 45 days for soldiers displaying symptoms, and a minimum of 120 days for those with full-blown Aids. Conservatively, 18 940 days will be lost by the 947 soldiers identified on the programme.

The SANDF’s official figure for HIV/Aids-infected soldiers stands at 23 percent, but Aids specialists have set a more realistic figure of 40 percent, or about 28 000, infected.

With the figure of 23 percent infection, 338 000 days are lost. However, if the figure is closer to 40 percent then the number of working days lost each year rises to a staggering 560 000 days.
With the SANDF in the process of downgrading its troop levels—the army has reduced its complement from 100 000 to 70 000—its future looks bleak.

Engelbrecht said the government had to decide whether to remove the infected soldiers from combat roles, or whether to remove them when they became too ill to function.

South Africa cannot test soldiers without their permission, except those who accept postings to United Nations missions.

The SANDF expects 50 000 soldiers to be tested for HIV during the next five years. Those who test positive will be able to enrol in a programme called Project Phidisa at six army sites around the country.

The first tests were carried out on January 19 at No 1 Military Hospital, Pretoria, and at the military base in Mtubatuba. 

SANDF members infected with HIV/Aids received their ARV drugs for the first time on February 2. Four additional sites will be opened at No 2 and No 3 Military Hospitals, in Phalaborwa and Umtata, before the end of this year.

The Phidisa project was partly prompted by the cabinet’s decision on August 8 last year to provide comprehensive health care for people with HIV and Aids.
The project’s medication budget for this year alone is more than R2-million and it covers only members on the programme.

According to Phidisa’s data management co-ordination and operations centre director, Colonel Jabulani Msimang, the project’s budget for the rest of the year is more than R4 million.
While the Phidisa project will be used in researching the effects and effectiveness of anti-retroviral drugs, it also paints a clearer, if stark, picture of the extent of Aids in the armed forces.

With South Africa increasingly becoming involved in peacekeeping efforts in the rest of Africa, the risk of exposure to the disease is also increasing. There are 3 000 South Africans doing duty in the Democratic Republic of Congo and other parts of Africa.

The UN requires soldiers to be tested before they are deployed on UN missions, effectively sending only healthy soldiers out of the country.

This week’s conference painted a very bleak picture of the fighting fitness of the SANDF and highlighted the urgent need for intervention before the army itself succumbs to the country’s greatest enemy—Aids.

Reporting a Crime

'If you don't know the street name I can't open this case'


WHAT do you do after you've been a victim of crime? You go to the police, right? That's what I did after I was stabbed and robbed in Rhodes Park two weeks ago.

I found Jeppe SAPS relatively empty with only about two police personnel taking statements from aggrieved citizens. On seeing the blood on my shirt the first policeman to address me gave me a form and told me to take it to a hospital to be filled in and then come back to report whatever it is I wanted to reported.

I told him I had come to report a robbery, not an assault.
"Why should I go and get this form filled?"
"So you don't want my help, huh?"
"I never said that."
"But you say you don't want to fill in the form. You don't want help!"
"I just asked you."
"I'm done with you. You don't want help!"
Another policeman joined in from a distance.
"Are you drunk?"
"We don't take statements from drunk people."
I stood there patiently and silently swore that I wasn't going anywhere without laying a charge.
A man who said he was Lieutenant Colonel Shingange then came and pointed me to some other policeman in a nearby cubicle. This new policeman looked drunk. Not only did he appear drunk, he seemed to be a habitual heavy drinker.
"What happened," he asked.
"I was robbed."
"In Rhodes Park."
"Which street?"
"How many Rhodes Parks do you have around here?"
"If you don't know the street I can't open this case."
A policewoman in the next cubicle leaned across and confirmed what the drunk looking cop said to me.
When I tried to ask more questions she called the Lieutenant Colonel, who proceeded to reiterate what they had said.
"Let me get this straight. Lieutenant Colonel, are you saying that if I got shot in the head and somehow survived and stumbled in here to report the incident and I didn't remember the street where I was shot you would not be able to open a case?"
"Yes," said the Lieutenant Colonel. "We cannot open a case without a street name."
With that he left, which meant that I too had to leave without laying a charge.
To verify what Jeppe SAPS had said I decided to take the matter up with Divisional Police Commissioner Gary Kruzer. Within an hour I had a Regional Police Commissioner, who had handed the matter to a Brigadier who had passed it on to another lower ranking officer who, within a day, had sent a detective and his assistant to come to me to take a statement, open a case and assured me that the Lieutenant Colonel at Jeppe SAPS would be asked to explain himself.
What took these many bodies, hours and aggravation to accomplish can and should have been done within 20 minutes by one police officer sitting at his or her desk. What a waste of resources! Incredible!


Radebe Defends SA’s Arms Sales

April 11 2011

Justice Minister Jeff Radebe, who chairs the National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC), has defended South Africa’s track-record on sale of conventional arms, saying the country would not authorise sales if “there are grounds to believe that such arms may be used in conflict areas or by governments to commit atrocities against their own people”.
This followed Independent Newspapers’ revelation on Sunday that, according to the NCACC’s 2010 annual report, South Africa sold arms estimated at more than R35-billion to 78 countries, including some of the world’s most repressive regimes, last year. 
Included on the list are Libya (R68.9 million), where forces loyal to leader Muammar Gaddafi are fighting an uprising, but also Syria (R7.7m), Yemen (R239.4m), Egypt (R96.9m), where Hosni Mubarak was deposed after non-violent protests, and Thailand (R5.7m), where government troops last year used force against the Red Shirt protesters who brought Bangkok to a standstill for days.
The DA on Sunday called on Radebe to appear before the joint standing committee on defence to explain these exports.
Justice ministry spokesman Tlali Tlali said the transactions with Libya were concluded at a time when there was no evidence of possible unrest. The decision to go ahead with the sales was made following investigations by NCACC sub-committees, in line with South Africa’s international obligations and “in a responsible manner”. 
He added that the NCACC had never refused to appear before any committee of Parliament. An invitation to the NCACC to appear before that committee on May 12 last year, was withdrawn at the last minute. 
“The NCACC is ready to and remains available to appear before any committee of Parliament to account for its affairs,” Tlali added.
But DA MP David Maynier on Sunday was adamant that Radebe had questions to answer.
“He owes us an explanation. I don’t see why they should not disclose the categories (of conventional weapons),” Maynier told Independent Newspapers.
The categories range from items like night-vision goggles to fighter jets, missiles, artillery guns and bombs.
As only broad categories are stated, further details on the alleged sale of more than 100 sniper rifles and 50 000 rounds of ammunition to Libya will depend on the outcome of the Public Protector’s investigation.

The probe was started after Maynier was asked to leave the National Assembly last month for unparliamentary language after asking Radebe whether he could confirm the sale, and how it felt “to have blood on his hands”. 
Radebe declined to answer the question as the MP who asked it was no longer in the house. The Speaker did not permit another DA MP to press for an answer.
Earlier Radebe told Parliament that South Africa had exported conventional weapons worth R80,9m to Libya between 2003 and 2009.
The last time Radebe appeared before the committee was in September 2009 to brief the members on the 2008 NCACC annual report. The reasons for this remain unclear.
However, it appears that the release of the NCACC’s 2010 annual report, albeit eight days late, was a fluke. According to Maynier, the report was only tabled after an attempt by the Department of Defence to classify it and submit it as a confidential document.
He added that he was surprised to find Syria and Yemen, two repressive regimes with an unsavoury human rights record, among the list of countries that received conventional weapons. 
The governments of both countries have faced pro-democracy protests recently.
“The NCACC now appears to be above the law, routinely authorising conventional arms sales to repressive regimes, and operating beyond proper scrutiny and oversight by Parliament,” Maynier said.
Attempts to reach justice and defence ministry spokesmen yesterday proved unsuccessful as their cellphones were switched off.
According to the NCACC’s annual report, South Africa sold conventional arms worth R35bn to 78 countries and, in addition, approved 345 weapons contracts worth R27.7bn with 83 countries and approved 3 536 arms exports permits worth R8.3bn. The NCACC also allowed imports from 69 countries to the value of R3.9bn. 

ANC Wins as Miners Starve

Worker kills himself over unpaid salary - then Zuma's nephew promises R1m to ruling party.....

Apr 10, 2011 

President Jacob Zuma's nephew, Khulubuse, who owes 100 miners more than R4.5-million in wages, pledged R1-million to the ANC at a fund-raising dinner in Durban on Friday. 



Khulubuse Zuma

Khulubuse, who co-owns mining group Aurora Empowerment Systems with former president Nelson Mandela's grandson, Zondwa, made the pledge on the same day as trade union Solidarity revealed that a miner had committed suicide by drinking ant poison because the company had failed to pay him. 

 Zondwa Mandela

The fundraiser, held at the five-star Fairmont Hotel & Resort in Zimbali, north of Durban, was attended by ANC leaders, empowerment beneficiaries and other corporate executives.
Those present ate fish, roast lamb and beef. Dessert included tiramisu, poached pears and an assortment of cakes. The most popular beverage was Hennessy cognac. 

Khulubuse confirmed that he had pledged R1-million to the ruling party. 

"If there are any means to support the ANC, we will do so, no matter what," he said. 

However, he refused to comment on the shambles at the company's Grootvlei Mine in Gauteng and at Orkney in North West. 

"I was doing a favour by phoning you about the donation. You can write anything you want about Aurora. I don't want to comment about that
"There are so many other things that I am busy with. So you want to write that Khula pledged R1-million, but there are unpaid workers at Aurora. You're dirty, my brother," he said. 

The provincial spokesman for the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal, Makhosi Khoza, yesterday declined to say how much was raised at the dinner. 

"The good news is that we want to confirm that we did have a good fundraising dinner ... and that all those present pledged their support to the ANC beyond just their financial pledges." 

Those at the lavish dinner said that more than R5-million was raised, with the Minister of Human Settlements, Tokyo Sexwale, promising R1-million. 

Several privates companies are said to have pledged between R100000 and R2-million.
One of those, RGZ Projects, promised to give the ANC R100000. The firm has been linked to an investigation into alleged financial irregularities and tender fraud in the eThekwini (DURBAN) municipality. 

But it was the high-flying Khulubuse's pledge that attracted much interest. His company is in trouble for failing to pay its workers at Grootvlei and Orkney.

Aurora is due to appear before parliament's portfolio committee on mineral resources on Wednesday regarding the problems at the two mines, which include failing to pay workers, alleged asset-stripping and environmental problems. Aurora Mines Stripped of Assets

In October last year, the Sunday Times reported that Zuma's nephew owned some of the world's most desirable cars in his personal fleet of 19 vehicles, including two BMW 750i sedans worth about R1.1-million each. 

He also turned heads when he drove a R2.5-million red gull-winged Mercedes-Benz SLS 63 AMG to the lavish wedding of national police commissioner Bheki Cele last year. 

Like father like son........ the apple does not fall far from the tree of corruption.....


A Real Election

At long last, a real election.... 

This one might even be worth staying awake for!

Apr 10, 2011

Justice Malala: There was a time, not too long ago, when many of us political animals slept through elections. We could blather on as much as we liked, but the results of elections were certain: overwhelming ANC victories almost everywhere. 

All that is changing, and it is not only the chattering classes saying so. The ANC itself is saying so. The local government elections on May 18 have suddenly become, well, elections. Power might be lost. 

Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe went on an election walkabout in ANC strongholds in Worcester, Western Cape, last week, and realised what everyone has been telling the ANC all along: "The city of Cape Town is not there for the taking now, but I think the ANC has it within itself to prepare to win the province [in 2014]." 

This statement would have been inconceivable from an ANC leader in the past. Today, there is virtually no one in the party, apart from those living in cloud-cuckoo-land, who would dispute it.
ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe was told in no uncertain terms in Polokong on Thursday that the party had imposed a candidate on its members and voters would be going for an independent candidate. In many parts of the country, ANC members are canvassing for independent candidates after a surging feeling that provincial elites had imposed cronies on communities. In these areas, there is an election to be fought. 

Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi put it eloquently last week: "We [the ANC] are going into elections with our tails between our legs, with our backs to the wall, because we have lost 1.17million jobs and 5.8million families are plunged into poverty."

For the first time, the ANC is going into an election having lost the moral high ground. The party of Nelson Mandela and Albert Luthuli now resembles something more like a corrupt, inept entity leading us towards a police state. 

The ANC's leader, Jacob Zuma, is turning into its former leader, Thabo Mbeki: he is never here.

Zuma pronounces ineffectually from African Union meetings while his security cluster is on fire. 

When he does pitch up in the country, as he did on Friday, he has nothing new to offer the ANC but fatuous comparisons between the ANC and God. 

The Star reported that Zuma told three women at a home in Helenvale that the ANC and God were of the "same church". Is that supposed to be a vote puller? 

Truth is, the ANC is rattled. This week the party brought out its big guns to campaign in Midvaal, a Gauteng municipality run by the DA. 

Midvaal irks the ANC no end because, according to the Gauteng planning commission's quality of life survey, it is the province's top municipality. Its finances - 80% of its bills are paid versus 58% in Johannesburg - are in better order than those of ANC-led, municipalities. 

Unemployment is at 26% whereas Johannesburg is at 41%. It is run by 29-year-old DA mayor, Timothy Nast. 

                                                             DA mayor, Timothy Nast.

This is a municipality the DA is refusing to let anyone forget. The party uses it constantly to drive home its message that the ANC is incompetent. The ANC argues that it lost Midvaal because of infighting between local leaders. The bottom line, though, is that the figures presented by the DA are irrefutable. And the ANC is rattled by them. 

Another area that the ANC is rattled about is Tshwane, where the party achieved a mere 56% compared with the DA's 31% in the last election. This might seem a wide margin, but if one adds the rest of the opposition to the DA's tally the difference becomes even smaller. 

Tshwane is interesting because the ANC would have lost it 10 years ago had it not ensured that huge chunks of the ANC-voting North West province were incorporated into Tshwane. This sort of gerrymandering is happening again: the Metsweding district municipality is now part of Tshwane, delivering new voting fodder. 

What now? Things are dicey in Eastern Cape, where the ANC is facing internal revolt over candidates' lists. Things are so bad that violence has been visited on provincial ANC leaders, some ANC members are in court accused of plotting murder and party members are taking it to court. 

This opens the door for the opposition, the DA in particular, to make headway. Hence the irrational attacks of Julius Malema on Helen Zille. He made "monkey" references because he fears her. He, like his party, is rattled. 

This makes for an interesting election indeed. 


ANC bills don't add up

Offices fail to account for all funds....

Apr 10, 2011

The ANC is struggling to account for R1.5-million in petty cash payments and outreach funds at its constituency offices around the country. 

According to a report presented at its caucus meeting last month, more than R1.3-million in outreach funds and R193000 in petty cash could not be accounted for. 

The ruling party has now warned its MPs that failure to account properly for constituency funds could lead to parliament withholding them. 

Parliament funds constituency offices through political parties and the parties must account to the national legislature for every cent transferred. 

Outreach funds are used to put MPs in contact with the communities they represent. 

 A brief financial report recently presented to MPs by ANC chief whip Mathole Motshekga shows that R2.8-million was disbursed to ANC constituency offices around the country for this purpose.
But, by February, constituency offices could account for only R1.5-million. 

The party's constituency offices in Eastern Cape received the largest share of the allocation, the Free State got the smallest. 

ANC constituency offices were also unable to account for R193000 of R353000 claimed as petty cash payments. 

Constituency offices in Western Cape and Eastern Cape spent most petty cash; offices in Gauteng did not claim any petty cash expenses. 

Motshekga urged MPs to ensure that their constituency offices were able to account for the expenditure by the end of the 2010-2011 financial year. 

He warned of the consequences of failing to account for funds derived from parliament: "We are currently conducting our financial year-end audit and failure to account for our expenses will result in a qualified audit, which would jeopardise our eligibility to receive funds from parliament," he said.

ANC caucus spokesman Moloto Mothapo played down Motshekga's warning, saying the chief whip was merely encouraging MPs to remain vigilant with regular accounting for allocated constituency funds. 

"There was absolutely no suggestion or suspicion of laxity in the administration of constituency funds, and none of the MPs was blamed," he said. 

Parliament places stringent conditions on how constituency allowances are spent.
It exercised its powers against COPE after it failed to account satisfactorily for millions in constituency allowances. 

This was exacerbated by revelations that COPE had diverted about R2-million from its constituency allowance to pay for an aborted elective conference. 

Parties also receive an allowance to run their administration in parliament.
Parliamentary spokesman Luzuko Jacobs said the national legislature kept a close watch on how parties spent their constituency allocations and would question them about their spending if it was thought that expenditure was irregular. 

"If parliament has difficulties with any aspect of the financial statements it receives, it alerts the political party concerned and asks for explanations," said Jacobs. 

Opposition parties contacted by The Times said their financial records in respect of the constituency allocations they had received were in order. 

But they refused to give The Times access to their books. 


Municipal poll to cost R1.2bn

Apr 10, 2011 

The May 18 municipal election will cost R1.2-billion.

Independent Electoral Commission CEO Pansy Tlakula told the Sunday Times last week that there had been an increase of nearly 20000 in the number of candidates.
In 2006, the commission registered 36000 municipal candidates around the country. This year, the number has shot up to 55000.
Tlakula said a huge amount would be spent to ensure a seamless election.
"It's a lot of money. We don't have a budget that is set aside for the elections. It's a budget for the financial year, the bulk of the preparations took place in the last financial year and the election will take place in this financial year. 

"We're talking about maybe R1.2-billion," said Tlakula. 

The commission chief said most of the money was used to improve security features of the ballot paper, to prevent electoral fraud, and on contingency planning. 

Unlike in previous elections, it would not be possible for anyone to duplicate ballot papers.
"We have adequate security arrangements for that. The ballot papers have security features. They cannot be photocopied. That's a new feature. In the past, we haven't had a ballot paper with security features for a local government election." 

Tlakula said the IEC had made provision for bad weather, as predicted by the National Weather Service, during the polls. There were indications that there would be torrential rain in most parts of the country. 

"We have to foresee almost everything and have contingency plans for almost everything, not only the weather. 

"There are people trained whom we have appointed as electoral staff but who might not be available on May 18. They might have a death in their family. They themselves might be deceased at that time, so we have to have contingency plans to replace them at very short notice." 

The electoral commission will begin sifting through all the election candidates tomorrow to weed out those who do not meet the criteria or whose credentials have not been accepted .
There are 55684 hopefuls linked to political parties or standing as private candidates, all hoping that the commission endorses them. 

"I think what is outstanding is the ballot paper. We'll only print the ballot paper after we have confirmed the list of candidates. We will do that on Tuesday," Tlakula said. 

"On Wednesday, we will have a ceremony at Gallagher Estate, where political parties contesting two or more provinces will sign the code of conduct. At that event, we'll also do the ballot-paper draw. Whoever is drawn, their name will be the first on the ballot paper."