Showing posts with label Crooked Police. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Crooked Police. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 10, 2013

Selebi 'drowning in debt'

Former National Police Commissioner Jackie Selebi's lawyer Wynanda Coetzee says he is battling financially, and will not be able to pay back the money he owes.Picture:EWN

Former National Police Commissioner Jackie Selebi's lawyer Wynanda Coetzee says he is battling financially, and will not be able to pay back the money he owes

Jackie Selebi won’t be able to pay the R17 million he owes in legal and medical costs, his lawyer Wynanda Coetzee said on Wednesday.  
This comes almost a year after the convicted fraudster was released from Pretoria Central Prison on medical parole. 
The former National Police Commissioner was released just a year after serving less than a year of his 15 year jail term for corruption. 
Coetzee says he is battling financially and will not be able to pay back the money he owes.
“There is just not enough money and he is going in arrears every month.”
Selebi who suffers from diabetes and end-stage kidney disease is still receiving his daily dialysis. 
However, Coetzee says his health is not improving and he cannot take part in any activities. 
She says anyone who claims they have seen him out and about in Johannesburg is wrong.
Meanwhile, the Democratic Alliance’s (DA) Dianne Kohler Barnard says Selebi is receiving preferential treatment.
“Every third or fourth month I ask what is happening and how far along this issue is, and the answer we get is they are still negotiating. I don’t think they would still be negotiating if it was you or me. They would take your house and you would be bankrupt but Selebi gets special treatment.”

Monday, May 13, 2013

'Cops beat me with baseball bat'



A Kempton Park man has been left badly injured after allegedly being beaten up by two
policemen, according to a report on Monday

Gerald Carey said he was driving home on Thursday night when two Kempton Park police officers pulled him over and tried to solicit a bribe. 

One of the cops allegedly ordered him to drive to the closest police station and jumped into his car. Carey says the officer began hitting him on the drive there.

He said he was then put into the back of a police vehicle, where the officers threatened to kill him.

"I was asking them what they were doing and why they were doing this to me. I told them they were hurting me and asked them why, because they were the police.

"They were supposed to be helping me. They were just saying 'tonight you will learn your
lesson, tonight you will die'," said Carey.

Carey added that he was taken to a mielie field, where one of the officers began beating him up with a baseball bat.

After he managed to stand up, he made a run for it and was able to hitch-hike home before being taken to hospital.

The case was handed over to the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID), but Carey said he still feared for his life.

The police's Katlego Mogale said the officers had also opened a charge of assault against Carey.

"A police officer was also assaulted. He had injuries to his upper eye and hand. Both cases have since been handed over to the IPID."

Carey said the police were trying to cover up what he called an unprovoked attack.

Wednesday, March 20, 2013

Assembly Approves Weapons Bill


The National Assembly approved legislation on Tuesday empowering the police to arrest people who carry dangerous weapons in public.
The Dangerous Weapons Bill received the support of all parties in the House after a brief debate.
The bill was amended after it first came to the police portfolio committee for consideration last month.
Sporting bodies and collectors complained that they would be arrested while travelling to and from events, and could be prosecuted for having paintguns, airguns or antique rifles, guns, and swords in their possession.
As the bill now stands, it will not apply to:
* Possession of dangerous weapons in pursuit of any lawful employment, duty or activity;
* Possession of dangerous weapons during participation in any religious or cultural activities, or lawful sport, recreation, or entertainment; and;
* Legitimate collection, display, or exhibition of weapons.
Police officers (what a farking joke.........) will be given the discretion ( they are not even educated) to decide whether there is a reasonable suspicion that a weapon could be used for unlawful purposes.
Police will be able to crack down on protesters brandishing firearms, bricks, glass bottles, spears, or any object which could be used to harm someone or damage property.
Speaking in the committee last month, Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa said the bill would outlaw possession of any weapon, object, or replica in instances where there was an intention to use it for an unlawful purpose.
“The bill seeks to prohibit the carrying of firearms and objects which resemble firearms, dangerous weapons, and objects likely to cause injury or damage to property at a demonstration or gathering,” said Mthethwa.
He would be given the power to regulate what dangerous weapons could be carried in public.
“This is particularly important given the developments in the country, and the apparent brandishing of weapons in public protests and public gatherings, as it were.”
The use of toy guns to commit a crime was also covered under the proposed law.
“The rationale for this is that replica firearms often look exactly like real firearms, and can be used in the commission of a crime,” said Mthethwa.
“The bill also provides for the minister of police to issue notices of exclusion, where the carrying of what may be defined as dangerous weapons in public is excluded from being outlawed under specific circumstances.”
The bill now goes to the National Council of Provinces for concurrence.


Friday, March 8, 2013

Police Brutality Fiasco, While Police Minister Enjoys His Honeymoon.


When Mido Macia died, Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa was on honeymoon. As the murdered Mozambican was mourned and former comrades called for Mthethwa's head, the minister remained on holiday. But though the beating the reputation of the police has taken will leave a mark on his career, it won't make for a mortal wound.

The Marikana massacre did not cost Mthethwa his job as police minister. Nor did the death of Andries Tatane in Ficksburg. So it came as little surprise when President Jacob Zuma this week rejected calls for his head to roll amid public outrage, and international incredulity, at the way police treated the taxi driver.

Mthethwa's job appears safe – even if the minister dangerously ignored public sentiment by not cutting his holiday short and even though, in addition to the human tragedy, the death of Macia represents election season ammunition that opposition parties are sure to use against Zuma and the ANC more broadly.
Mthethwa married high-powered businessperson Philisiwe Buthelezi shortly after Valentine's Day, and left for a honeymoon that staff would only confirm had taken him out of the country. Macia died about a week after the wedding. Mthethwa will remain on "special leave" until March 12 as planned, his office confirmed this week.

"Through legislation and resources the minister has capacitated those who police the police," said Mthethwa's spokesperson, Zweli Mnisi, when asked why the minister had not returned to the country to provide political leadership and reassurance to a nation in collective shock. "If he had been there on the day, how would he have stopped it? What could he have done?"

Since the video showing Macia being dragged behind a police van was first aired, Mnisi has largely acted as the public face of the police response, with occasional appearances by acting police minister Siyabonga Cwele (who continues to run state security at the same time) and a statement from Zuma's office.

This week, former intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils became the most prominent of those who have suggested Mthethwa should resign or be fired. Kasrils lost some currency with his former comrades after taking a strong stance against the secrecy Bill but, if anything, is a more trusted public figure for it.
"What Zuma needs to do to arrest this descent into police-state depravity is dismiss his minister and commissioner of police," Kasrils said in letter published in Business Day, adding that he had warned of increased police brutality in 2008.

Recent upsurge in police brutality

Those who deal with police excesses on a daily basis are convinced there has been an increase in the frequency of beatings and torture of late, though those are meted out in a workaday fashion rather than with greater brutality.

"We've seen some recent cases of very severe torture, where the cops virtually kill you and chop you up, but the kind we tend to see is a more moderate form," said Peter Jordi, who focuses on such cases at the Wits Law Clinic. "It's still torture and I can tell you I'm pleased it's not happening to me, but we more typically see smothering and those kinds of more sophisticated techniques."
The problem, according to Jordi and others who deal with victims on a regular basis, is that abuse at the hands of police is common, far more common than reflected in statistics, because complaints are often not laid.

There are plenty of theories on why police beat up citizens (and foreigners) with impunity: a brutalised society that never fully healed after apartheid; the high level of threat faced by police officers and their sense of being under siege; little proactive investigation of police excesses; remilitarisation of the police force that failed to instil discipline but did come with "shoot to kill" overtones; and orders to be tough on crime and criminals - orders that come right from the top.

However, regardless of cause or combination of causes, blame must ultimately be laid at the door of either Mthethwa or the president, who has failed to replace him after both have been in their jobs for more than four years. That he will remain in his job speaks both to the fact that the government does not share the public's outrage and to Zuma's collectivist approach to government.

"We view this as a collective effort," said Mnisi this week. "[Policing] is not about personalities. We need a system, not a face."

Since before his election to the ANC's top job, Zuma has stuck to a similar policy of collective decision-making. The implication is one of shared rather than personal responsibility.

That, and improved numbers, will in all probability keep Mthethwa in his job.

Statistics on police brutality verge on the meaningless, analysts say, because of everything from poor reporting to legitimate use of violence in subduing suspects. The most reliable statistics available – deaths at the hands of police – have shown an improvement in the past two years of reporting. During the same time, under Mthethwa’s watch, serious and contact crime has declined.

Friday, October 26, 2012

Daily in South Africa

Robber found in full police gear.
THIS HAPPPENS DAILY IN SOUTH AFRICA.
With the identity of a white policeman (Grobler).
Plus a stolen police cap.
Plus stolen police shoes.
...
Plus a stolen firearm.
Plus a stolen police bulletproof vest.
And dressed in many layers of other clothing ..... to get rid of it (and confuse his pursuers) as he fled.

Please forward this ....... because no one dare officially publish this.
To show South Africa and the world what happens here EVERY DAY !!!!!!
 
 
Robber found in full police gear.
THIS     HAPPPENS     DAILY      IN      SOUTH AFRICA. 
With  the  identity  of  a  white policeman (Grobler).
 Plus a  stolen  police cap.
 Plus stolen police shoes.
 Plus a stolen firearm.
Plus a stolen  police   bulletproof   vest.
 And  dressed   in   many layers of other clothing  ..... to  get  rid  of  it  (and confuse his pursuers)  as  he  fled.

Please  forward  this   .......   because   no  one   dare  officially   publish  this.
 To  show  South Africa  and  the  world  what  happens  here  EVERY  DAY    !!!!!!

Wednesday, May 16, 2012

Our Gangster State

Justice Malala - 30 April, 2012

Now that the ANC has managed to get rid of Julius Malema, its troublesome youth league president, and his rude sidekick Floyd Shivambu, the party might want to concentrate on something meatier. It might want to ask its president, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, what kind of rotten state he is running in its name.

The ANC sent Zuma to the Union Buildings. In its name, he governs South Africa. He should be accountable to it if he is not accountable to the rest of us, the citizenry.

He should now account to the ANC about why Richard Mdluli, the head of crime intelligence in the SA Police Service, is back at his desk and not in a court of law or behind bars for corruption.

Nothing smacks of corruption in this country as much as the figure of Mdluli, a man who is being mentioned as a possible national police commissioner. Nothing scares me more than the possibility that such a compromised figure stands to assume so much power.

This much we know is true, thanks to the incredibly brave work of journalists at the Mail & Guardian, the Sunday Times and the City Press newspapers. It is worth noting that these journalists would be in jail today if the Protection of Information Act were in operation.

Here is the first thing: within a year of his appointment to the crime intelligence job in 2009, Mdluli appointed seven of his relatives as secret agents. There is no dispute about this. As you read this, seven members of this man's family are drawing salaries from the national cash pile - money that could be used for the poor, the hungry, those who will die of the cold this winter because they have nowhere to sleep.

Instead, as City Press reported last weekend, it is costing the crime intelligence unit R5-million to employ Mdluli's relatives and supply them with luxury cars.

This is not corruption. This is looting. This is the mentality of people who believe they are invincible, that they are protected from on high. If Zuma is not protecting Mdluli, he should suspend and fire the man immediately for just this one piece of absolute corruption.

But there is more to this rot and the depth of it chills me to the bone. Mdluli was not interviewed by police management for the job he holds. He was instead interviewed by four politicians: Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa, State Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele, the then home affairs deputy minister Malusi Gigaba, who is now minister of public enterprises, and former safety and security deputy minister Susan Shabangu, who is now minister of mineral resources.

Mthethwa is a fierce Zuma defender and is actively campaigning for him to be re-elected as ANC president in Mangaung in December. So is Gigaba, who has acted as the main Zuma defender against attacks by Malema's ANC Youth League. You may also be interested to know that Mthethwa appears on one of the lists drawn up by the Zuma crowd to be in the ANC's top six after Mangaung.

Cwele is the man who has been firing intelligence services heads allegedly because they refused to be used to spy for Zuma. In March Moe Shaik left the State Security Agency. SSA director-general Jeff Maqetuka left in December and the head of the domestic branch, Gibson Njenje, left in September. Cwele is now master and commander of Zuma's spy network.

Mdluli's appointment was not just irregular. It was conspiratorial and it is a crime. These ministers should account for why they were on that panel in the first place and why the then acting national police commissioner, Tim Williams, and other police officials were not on the interviewing panel.

Why were four ministers interviewing a policeman? Were they instructed to hire him and dress up the whole thing?

Will they explain? Of course not. How can Mthethwa explain when, according to City Press, the Hawks were investigating claims that almost R200000 was paid from the crime intelligence slush fund for renovations to his house in KwaZulu-Natal? He is implicated in the crimes. He is compromised.

Mdluli was up on charges of murder, kidnapping, assault and intimidation. There were also charges of massive fraud involving the crime intelligence slush fund. The Mail & Guardian has revealed that those charges were dropped despite a letter from the inspector-general of intelligence, Faith Radebe, in March, in which she said that the National Prosecuting Authority should institute criminal charges against Mdluli: "We are of the opinion that the reasons advanced by the NPA in support of the withdrawal of the criminal charges are inaccurate and legally flawed. We therefore recommend that this matter be referred back to the NPA for the institution of the criminal charges."

That has not happened. Instead, Mdluli is in office and is already re-organising the crime intelligence unit so that it has oversight of all security arrangements for all ministers and dignitaries. What does this mean? Each and every one of Zuma's detractors will be under 24-hour surveillance by this compromised spy boss.

Where are the voices of Gwede Mantashe, Kgalema Motlanthe, Cyril Ramaphosa, Trevor Manuel and others when this rot is being perpetrated in their name? Where is the ANC of OR Tambo?

It is silent, quivering in fear of its own "deployee", Jacob Zuma, a man who is running what is now clearly a gangster state.

http://www.timeslive.co.za/opinion/columnists/2012/04/30/our-gangster-state

Friday, April 27, 2012

Acting Police Commisioner to be Probed

Top cop to be probed for ‘abuse of power’

CAN'T ZUMA GET ANYTHING RIGHT?

IOL Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi apr 26
Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi

Acting police commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi faces an investigation into allegations of improper conduct and abuse of power. This comes after Public Protector Thuli Madonsela agreed to look into a complaint lodged by DA MP Dianne Kohler Barnard last month.
In a letter to Kohler Barnard dated April 12, Madonsela wrote that her preliminary assessment had determined “there is a prima facie case of improper conduct and abuse of power which warrants an investigation”.
The case had been handed to her office’s good governance and integrity unit for further action.
Mkhwanazi, appointed by President Jacob Zuma in October, has now become the third police commissioner in a row to face serious allegations of one form or another.
Disgraced former commissioner Jackie Selebi is serving 15 years in jail after he was convicted of receiving corrupt payments from convicted drug trafficker Glen Agliotti.
His replacement, General Bheki Cele – appointed by Zuma in 2009 – is now suspended, pending an inquiry into his fitness for office after a public protector investigation implicated him in the police’s R1.7 billion office leasing scandal.
The Mkhwanazi investigation is in response to the DA’s claim that the general was an “accomplice to a murder case” and had obstructed justice by “failing to co-operate in the (resulting) investigation”.
He allegedly also failed “to investigate the misappropriation of millions of rands” from the police’s controversial crime intelligence division (CID) slush fund.
Kohler Barnard claims to be in possession of nine affidavits from police officers who attended a meeting addressed by Mkhwanazi on March 5. There he is alleged to have told fellow officers that he once witnessed a suspect being shot and killed by the police, but that such incidents were not always reported.
In one sworn affidavit, an unidentified police officer alleges: “He (Mkhwanazi) was also involved in a shooting incident, where an innocent person was killed. He was requested to make a statement, but refused. He said he’d go to his grave with the information,” unless called to testify before a commission of inquiry.
Mkhwanazi has said through his spokesman, Lindela Mashigo, that he would “account to the (public protector’s) probe” if it went ahead. Mkhwanazi could not be reached for comment on Wednesday.
However, the acting commissioner told MPs last week that he planned to take his accusers to court.
The top cop went on to explain his version of the March 5 conversation with fellow officers.
As an “example”, he recounted how, during his time at the police task force, his job was to “neutralise threats” posed by dangerous criminals. He said he would be called to arrest dangerous suspects and would hand them over – handcuffed – to detectives. “Now, when I walk away, the next thing I hear gunshots. When I go back to investigate… the very same detective will tell you this (suspect) was trying to shoot me and I was defending myself. It’s a serious concern.”
But the police chief did not clarify whether he was speaking metaphorically or had personally witnessed such shootings. This will form part of Madonsela’s probe.
The slush fund allegations relate to an internal police investigation which found that crime intelligence boss, Lieutenant-General Richard Mdluli, may have plundered the police’s secret fund of up to R5 million for his and his family’s benefit

Last week Mkhwanazi told MPs he had recently been told by “powers beyond us” which matters he and his officers may or may not investigate. He later said he was not implying political interference.


Wednesday, April 25, 2012

Murder In The Police Cells

A witness has told how he heard a man calling for help shortly before he died following an assault in the Durbanville police cells.

Eben Meyer, 47, apparently pulled on the cell bars in an attempt to get the attention of police officers on duty,
Die Burger reported.

His blood-covered body was found in the early hours of Saturday morning in the cell that he was sharing with eight other men.

Meyer had been arrested at about 01:00 for public drunkenness. He had apparently gone drinking after a fight with his fiancée.

Another man from Durbanville, who asked to remain anonymous, said he had also been locked up in the police cells on Saturday evening.

He was put in a cell next to Meyer’s. He said the men were already assaulting Meyer when he arrived.

He saw them kicking and hitting Meyer.
Aggressive
The witness said, however, that Meyer had been aggressive following his arrival, swearing and demanding cigarettes, and hitting two other men. He said Meyer had been looking for trouble.

“It’s sad that he died, but he needed a hiding.”

He said it felt like the assault on Meyer had taken several hours and that he was surprised that the police officials in the charge office nearby did not come to Meyer’s aid.

The two accused, Daniel Dyosi, 40, and Sipho Mhlanga, 29, were charged with Meyer’s murder. They appeared in the Bellville Magistrate's Court on Monday, where their case was postponed to May 10 for a formal bail application.


http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Witness-saw-attack-on-man-in-police-cell-20120425

Tuesday, April 24, 2012

A True Story Of Police Brutality





That barbarian methods of torturing are used by police is one hundred percent correct. I can personally testify to this.

On 10 December 2002, I, Wilhelm Pretorius, a 25 year old student, was arrested on political and especially weapons-related charges, including high treason and conspiracy to a coup d’ état.

The charges were essentially similar to those for which a group of ANC-members consisting of most current South African Members of Parliament were charged during the apartheid years.

I was arrested at 20h00 (8:00 pm) in a park in Pretoria while it was drizzling. My hands were tied behind my back with thick, strong plastic cables, in such a way that the blood supply to my hands was denied. For approximately two hours I lay on the ground on my stomach. During this time, one of the policemen came and stood on my neck.

After approximately two hours, Captain Johan Vice took me to a Venture vehicle belonging to the police that had dark-tinted windows. When I got into the vehicle,which was driven by a white woman, Capt Vice was seated directly behind me, and one Lotter, another policeman, on the right-hand side of the seat behind mine. My hands were still tightly bound, so that my hands were already feeling numb. The next thing I knew was Capt Vice throwing his shirt over my head and pulling it back sharply, with the obvious intention of strangling me. I struggled violently and managed to free my head from the shirt, totally dazed by what had just happened.

I still was not prepared for the barbarism that would follow. He pulled the shirt over my eyes to blind me. Capt Vice is approximately 2 m (6’6”) tall. He is a large man with massive hands. With his gigantic hands, he grabbed me around my throat, pushing in my Adam’s apple to shut off my windpipe so that I simply could not breathe. I squirmed and struggled, but his hands were firmly anchored around my throat, like the paws of a lion around the throat of an impala.

 I struggled for breath so vehemently that I eventually landed on the middle seat of the Venture.

I was now virtually lying on his lap, with my hands still bound behind my back. Using his fist, he repeatedly hit me on the side of my face asking where my brothers were. At that stage, they were still wanted by the police for the same case. This process continued for a long time. He also forcefully pushed his finger into my ear.

At one stage, we stopped next to the road Vice threatened that if I would try to remove the shirt from my eyes, he would kill me. He said to me that he had made special arrangements for a so called “Kaffir” (black man) to rape me. “They have been craving nice white flesh for quite some time now,” he sneered.

Somebody with alcohol on his breath then bent over me, as I was lying on the middle seat of the Venture, while the door was open. This person spoke in isiZulu and repeatedly tampered with my trousers and my belt. He also repeatedly slapped me in the face. I did not understand what he was saying. Sometimes he spoke near to me so that I could smell the odour of alcohol on his stinking breath. I later recognized the person from his voice as one of the policemen who much later interrogated me again. Again I was hit on the side of my face by Capt Vice, again and again. I was also repeatedly asked if I were a “virgin,” referring to the fact that I was going to be raped. This was continuously repeated to me.

They then took me out of the car and made me lie on a plastic sheet next to the road. It sounded to me as if it were a deserted place. I was still blindfolded and could not see where I was. The plastic cables started cutting into the flesh of my arms and my hands were totally numb, Capt Vice came and sat on me and forced a rubbery piece of material over my mouth and nose. I could get no breath. I initially kicked and struggled, but quickly realized that it only caused me to waste more breath. This process continued while they shouted and swore at me.

I lay on my numb hands and gasped for breath. Sometimes I just gave up and let go so that I could die, at other times I just saw stars before my eyes. My lungs felt as if they would burst, while my whole body was exhausted from being deprived of oxygen.

They continued cursing me and threatening to kill me. “Didn’t you sh** in your pants yet?” and other similar remarks were shouted at me.

During the struggle I landed on my stomach after having rid myself of the blindfold. I could then see who the savage was who had carried out his barbarian acts on me. The same man came and sat on me. He put the inner tube over my mouth and nose, and pulled my neck backwards, using brute force. Every second it felt as if my neck would break. I was helpless and could not do anything except endure it. I got no breath, my whole back and neck felt as if they would break at any moment.

There were times when I just gave up and thought to myself that if my neck had to be broken, then let it be. Initially I struggled against this murderer with all my power, but later I just gave up and let go. “If my neck breaks now, it would at least be the end of this hell,” I found myself thinking.

I then relaxed my whole body so that my neck could break. I was to find out afterwards that one of the AWB men, Phil Kloppers, who is still in jail today in a wheelchair, had been paralyzed by similar police torture.

After this session, the person stood on my lower back while he violently forced my hands upwards. It felt as if my arms were being torn out of their sockets. My head was against the ground, and my neck was stretched in such a way that once again I could not breathe. This continued the whole time while they yelled questions at me about where my brothers were, how we communicated, and when I was supposed to see them again.

I did not know where they were and had to think up a story of how we communicated and where they were, in order to get them to allow me some rest. They did not allow me any rest, however. After this torture session, my shoulders hurt so much that I could not lift them. For two weeks afterwards, I was unable to lift my arms above my shoulders, and two years afterwards, my shoulder still gave me problems during exercises. My torturer had completely strained my shoulder ligaments

I again landed on my back and was again suffocated with the rubber inner tube. At one stage, this was replaced by a plastic sheet. He then also repeatedly rubbed his knuckles violently on my breastbone. After I breathed for a moment, he would pick me up and put me on my feet. Approximately 8-10 times he hit me in the stomach with full force, so that I fell to the ground.

There was an unknown grey-haired policeman whom I will be able to recognize, who held me while the other one beat me up. I was picked up and hit in the stomach again and again.
After this session had finished, I was again blindfolded, this time with striped police barrier tape, the kind they use for roping off crime areas. This tape was wound tightly around my face. I can remember Vice and Lotter, and saw that there were two bakkies (light trucks) While this episode lasted, I heard them opening beer cans. In the bakkie there were a lot of empty beer cans.

They put me in the car again, finally believing that I would meet my brothers that night and that they would hide a message for me or I would hide one for them under a stone at an old fort which I knew well. We then drove to the fort, but they did not stop torturing me. On the way there, Capt Vice hit me on the elbow with the butt of his pistol and again hit me on the side of my face and pushed his finger into my ear. He also started hitting me on my thigh repeatedly. At that time, I had no feeling left in my hands. Even the blows to my head only made me see stars, but I actually did not feel the blows any more. The fact that I could breathe again was valuable to me.

I was lying on the middle seat of the bakkie. I heard them cocking their 9 mm pistols and running towards the fort. They shouted that they had seen tracks there and that my brothers probably were there. This was not so however, as people regularly visit that fort, and my brothers would never meet me there. We had not arranged to meet, and I did not know where they were.

We drove off again. I now promised that I would cooperate, in order to get a break to rest a little. My mind was tired, my throat bone dry, my hands were numb, and my whole being was blunted. Vice now cut off the plastic cords, using his pocket knife, and in the process, he also caused a cut in my left wrist. In spite of the fact that the cables had been removed, I still had no feeling. They bought me a Coke. My throat was so dry that the gas stuck to my throat.

We drove to their offices in the Piet Joubert building in Visagie Street. Here I was ordered to wash my face. I was startled to see my face in the mirror. My nose was covered with blood, and my face was so swollen that it looked like a pumpkin.

We walked upstairs to an office. Here, they peppered me with questions. Every time I gave an answer they did not like, they repeatedly slapped my head. Again, it was Capt Vice, Lotter, and the grey-haired policeman whose voice I recognized as the one who had pretended to be the black man who would rape me. There was a Zulu present as well. At one stage, when they started screaming at me again, they said that I had to go with the Zulu, because they knew how to make people talk.

One Colonel Van Rooyen then entered and took me aside. He had come to tell me that his father shares my views on politics. I had to cooperate with these people, though. He tried to convince me. When I asked him whether I did not have a right to remain silent, he became more aggressive and said that a criminal does not have the right to remain silent. Once a person has committed a crime, he no longer has a right to remain silent. He took me back to the others. Again they slapped me several times if they were not satisfied with the answers I provided.

One Commissioner Pruis and another commissioner then arrived. Also they peppered me with questions. We left the offices at approximately 10:00 (am). The policemen were in a jovial mood. I was not handcuffed. We got into the bakkie. It was the same bakkie in which we had driven there, and I also saw the pieces of barrier tape which they had used to blindfold me.

We then drove to Hartebeesfontein police station, approximately 300 km (200 miles) west van Pretoria. On the way there, we stopped at a liquor store in a town. The same three policemen asked me if I would go and buy liquor for them. I realized that if I did this, they could allege that I was trying to escape, and would able to shoot me dead. I refused, but tried to seem amicable.

Lotter, who sat next to me in the back, then went to buy the beer. They also gave me some beer, while they opened one beer after another. On the way to Potchefstroom, we passed through a roadblock, which made them very nervous, as they had drunk quite a lot.

My legal representative, Jaco van der Wateren in the meantime had traced me to Vice’s cell phone and I at last had an opportunity to talk to him. I also later phoned him from the police station. Vice told me that, if I cooperated nicely, they would look after me, otherwise they would “put me in with some Kaffirs.” “The Kaffirs are going to f**k you. Are you still a virgin, Willempie?” he sneeringly mocked me. When we arrived at the police station, I immediately phoned my attorney, who recommended that I file charges right away. I then made a statement without delay.

That night, I was locked up alone in an ice cold cell without being provided with any warm garments. My whole body was in a state of shock. The hairy, dirty blanket was insufficient. My neck was completely limp, and I to keep my head up was difficult. I carried my arms in front of me in a folded position, because I was unable to lift them. I started to experience a pins-and-needles feeling in my hands. I had pain-reliever tablets. My throat was so swollen from the strangulation that I could not eat anything. I could swallow with great difficulty only. I was locked up in the cell without water. I could not reach my wife on the telephone and was to learn afterwards that she had also been arrested, and one of my friends as well. I spent the night without painkillers or any other medication. Only the next morning did a policeman from Hartebeesfontein take me to a district surgeon. The DS examined me in the presence of the policeman, and I made sure that he made proper notes of all my injuries.

I was later informed that my wife’s door was kicked off while she was standing within sight of the police, phoning her attorney. They assaulted her and plucked the phone from her hand. A friend of mine who arrived on the scene was manhandled, and when he arrived at his car, he found that rivets had been shot into his tyres in order to prevent him from following them to see where they were taking my wife.

Capt Vice and Lotter still form part of the investigation team of the criminal case brought against me and others, which has been serving before a court of law for almost three years now. To date, nothing has come of the complaint filed by me. I have never yet met the investigating officer. In fact, no investigation has yet been done at all.

Au contraire, Capt Vice sits in court daily. He handles all written evidence of the accused, handles our security in jail, and is in charge of visits by our families. He sits in court daily and leers at us. Is this not a highly irregular arrangement under any legal system?

The ANC regularly complains that its members had been tortured by these monsters, yet the ANC has knowingly turned the self-same “policemen” loose upon its political opponents. Their members just turn their heads away while similar and worse violations are perpetrated against us.

This report mentions only the torture perpetrated against me personally. This does not even touch upon the refined psychic torture to which we are subjected day and night in jail.

Justice and righteousness cannot be relied upon in this country any longer. The monster of police brutality is a reality which is perpetuated by politically motivated silence.

http://www.whitenationnetwork.com/paper/?p=953

Tuesday, January 24, 2012

Bullshit Crime Statistics

By Mike Smith
21th of January 2011

Last year in September the useless ANC released their
bullshit crime statistics and claimed that violent crime came down for the third year in a row.

Apparently murder was down by 6.5% and sexual offences by 3.1%. Assault with intent to inflict grievous bodily harm dropped by 4.5%, while robbery with aggravating circumstances was down by 12%.

Anybody with half a brain knew that this laughable junk was nonsense. Yet, some idiots believed it and the DA actually congratulated the ANC regime on their efforts.

In the past I have explained how the police bungle cases, how forensic laboratories are overloaded and how the police “lose” dockets or deliberately falsify crime statistics. Then there is a moratorium on crime statistics implemented by the ANC to hide the true extent of crime in SA.
Links to how the crooked and corrupt ANC reduces crime How the useless police bungle cases and criminals are set free

Here is another report on how the police falsify statistics Four senior police bosses in court for falsifying crime statistics

The investigation found murder cases had been reduced to inquests and that housebreakings had been described as trespassing.

http://mspoliticalcommentary.blogspot.com/

Tuesday, November 8, 2011

Rogue Cops Make History.



iol news pic pouge 1 +3

Inspector Victor Mpho and Captain Ratsheki Landro Mokgosani.
Once they pledged themselves to uphold and enforce the law, and looked forward to a state pension – now three senior police officers will end their years in jail.

On Monday, the West Rand Organised Crime unit head, Senior Superintendent Petros Dumisani Jwara, 47, was sentenced to an effective 25 years in jail for operating a drug syndicate for more than five years.

Jwara’s co-accused, Inspector Victor Mpho Jwili, 42, and Captain Ratsheki Landro Mokgosani, 42, were effectively ordered to sit for 22 and 20 years respectively for their role in managing and maintaining the syndicate operations.

In convicting and sentencing the three officers, Judge Nico Coetzee made history as he became the first judicial officer to send local police officers to jail for racketeering.

The three were convicted on October 17. In his ruling, Judge Coetzee found that the officers – led by Jwara, who was also their unit commander – illegally intercepted drugs at OR Tambo International Airport, and confiscated some from dealers under the pretext of conducting criminal investigations.

These drugs were then sold to people in Hillbrow, Pretoria and other parts of Gauteng.

rogue 2
West Rand Organised Crime Unit head Senior Superintendent Dumisani Jwara, at his arrest in 2009.

“The fact that the accused were police officers adds to the seriousness of the crime. They were high-ranking police officials, particularly (Jwara and Mokgosani). They were highly regarded by their colleagues, who held them in a position of trust. But they abused that trust,” Judge Coetzee said.

“The crimes committed by the accused were on a continuous basis. They were well planned, and executed with military precision,” Judge Coetzee said.

“You were appointed in a special section of the SAPS to combat crime. But you used state resources to commit crime.”

Jwara received an additional 55 years for other charges relating to drug dealing, fraud, defeating the ends of justice, theft and attempted theft. Jwara must serve 25 years of his sentence before he is eligible for parole.

Jwili was also given an additional 55 years. Mokgosani received an additional 32 years in jail.

The judge found that Mokgosani joined the syndicate only in May 2007.
Jwili and Mokgosani must serve 22 and 20 years respectively before they are eligible for parole.

Convicting all of them for racketeering, Judge Coetzee accepted the stipulations of the Prevention of Organised Crime Act that organised crime, money laundering and criminal gang activity present a danger to public order and safety. He also accepted that organised crime posed an international security threat.

National Director of Public Prosecutions advocate Menzi Simelane welcomed the verdict against the three. He said this was the “first case where the State secured a conviction and sentencing for racketeering involving senior law enforcement officers.

“The conviction follows excellent co-operation between the police and our prosecutors, who presented a formidable case.”

In mitigation of sentence, the accused had earlier told the judge that they had close family ties. Father-of-seven Jwara told the court he is divorced, but reconciling with his wife.

Jwili told the court that his parents were still alive and relied on him. He lived with his wife, who is a teacher, and they have two children.

Mokgosani told the court he had four children and lived with his life partner, who earns R3 000.

However, the judge rejected their submissions, saying “mitigating factors as stated by the accused are far outweighed by the aggravating factors. Number one, you do not take responsibility for your actions; you still believe you didn’t commit any crime; you show no remorse, and it is a known fact that people who show no remorse do not get easily rehabilitated”.
Judge Coetzee denied their application for leave to appeal, but granted them permission to petition Judge Lex Mpati, president of the Supreme Court of Appeal.
This, Judge Coetzee said, needed to be done within 21 working days.
Their bail was extended, but they must report to a police station daily and cannot leave the magisterial districts of Gauteng and North West without informing the investigating officer, Captain Alfred Sizani.

Monday, October 24, 2011

Zuma's Full Statement on Cele and Ministers

Ladies and gentlemen of the media,
Thank you for joining us today.

I have a few announcements to make. These relate to changes to the National Executive of government, the Commission of Inquiry into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages and the matter relating to the National Police Commissioner.

I have decided to make the following changes to the National Executive.

1. Ms
Dina Pule, currently the Deputy Minister for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, has been appointed Minister of Communications.

2. Mr Thembelani “Thulas” Nxesi, the Deputy Minister for Rural Development and Land Reform, will become the new Minister of Public Works. The Department will no longer have a Deputy Minister.

3. Minister
Richard Baloyi, the Minister of Public Service and Administration, has been appointed Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs.

4. Mr
Roy Padayachie, the Minister of Communications, is to take over the Public Service and Administration portfolio.

5. Mr
Obed Bapela, the Deputy Minister of Communications, has been appointed Deputy Minister in the Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation.

6. Ms
Hendrietta Bogopane-Zulu, the Deputy Minister of Public Works, will be the Deputy Minister for Women, Children and Persons with Disability.

7. Mr S. Lechesa Tsenoli, chairperson of the portfolio committee on cooperative governance and traditional affairs, has been appointed as Deputy Minister for Rural Development and Land Reform.

8. ANC Member of Parliament, Ms Thembisa Stella Ndabeni, will become the Deputy Minister of Communications.

I wish all the new Ministers and Deputy Ministers well in their portfolios.

We also extend our gratitude to the Ministers and Deputy Ministers who have vacated their portfolios for their contribution to building a better life for all.

Ladies and gentlemen,

On the 15th of September I announced that I would, in terms of section 84 (2) (f) of the Constitution, appoint a commission of inquiry to investigate allegations of wrongdoing in the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, generally known as the “arms deal”.

I have appointed the Commission. The esteemed members are as follows;

1. Honourable Mr Justice
Willie Seriti, Judge of the Supreme Court of Appeal.

2. Honourable Mr Justice Willem van der Merwe, Deputy Judge President of the North Gauteng High Court.

3. Honourable Mr Justice Francis Legodi, Judge of the North Gauteng High Court.

Mr Justice Seriti will chair the Commission, which is expected to complete its work within two years.

We wish Mr Justice Seriti and his team well in the execution of this important task.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Section 9 (1) read with section 8 (1) to (8) empowers the President to establish a Board of Inquiry into allegations of misconduct against the National Police Commissioner, and make findings and recommendations as contemplated in section 8(6)(b).

In August, I informed the National Commissioner, General
Bheki Cele, of my intention to institute a Board of Inquiry to look into the allegations of misconduct, in relation to the procurement of office accommodation for the South African Police Service, as per the findings and recommendations of the Public Protector.

I have established the Board of Inquiry. The esteemed members are as follows;

• Ms Justice
Yvonne Mokgoro (retired).

• Advocate Terry Motau (SC).

• Advocate Anthea Platt.

Ms Justice Mokgoro will chair the Board of Inquiry.

I have also decided to suspend the National Commissioner from duty with immediate effect, pending the outcome of the inquiry, in terms of section 8 (3) (a) read with Section 9 (1) of the South African Police Service Act.

He will, during the period of suspension, be entitled to his full salary, allowances, privileges and benefits, in terms of Section 8(3)(b) of the Act.
Major General
Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi will act as National Commissioner until further notice.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I thank you.


http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/Politics/Cele-fired-Zumas-statement-20111024#.TqV5OM6Mqpx.facebook

Wednesday, October 19, 2011

Skeletons spill out of Richard Mdluli's closet

19 October, 2011

Seven months after the arrest of police spy boss Richard Mdluli, a number of cold murder and kidnapping cases linked to him and his co-accused are being investigated - some for the first time.



Included in the new investigations is the mysterious disappearance of individuals believed to be crime intelligence informants from Vosloorus on the East Rand more than 13 years ago.

The Times has reliably established that a team of senior Hawks investigators has been ordered to delve into the suspected murky dealings of Mdluli and one of his co-accused in a murder case, Colonel Nkosana "Killer" Ximba.

For the past few months the team has been gathering evidence and compiling dockets, including taking new statements from families of the missing people, victims and police officers who worked at Vosloorus police station where Mdluli and Ximba were previously stationed.

Mdluli and Ximba were notorious during their reign as commanders in Vosloorus and are widely referred to as the "untouchables".

Many of the cases currently unfolding have never been formally investigated because families were too scared to demand police action.

However, sources close to the investigations said the net was "closing in" and that it was just "a matter of time" until the lid was lifted on more criminal activities.

One of the numerous cases currently being investigated involves the disappearance of two men from their Vosloorus homes in 1998.



The pleas for help in tracing their sons by the families of Lunga "Shabba" Khumalo and Thulani "Koli" Shoba have for years gone unanswered.

Khumalo and Shoba - who were 21 and 24 respectively at the time of their disappearance in mid-1998 - were last seen by relatives when Ximba allegedly picked them up from their respective homes in Vosloorus in a police car.

Shoba's mother, Angelina Mtulweni, this week described her battle to determine the fate of her son as 13 years of "hell" and "heartache".


Mtulweni said she had gone to the Vosloorus police station a day after Ximba picked up her son because he had not returned home.
"I told them that my son had not returned after Killer picked him up and they laughed at me and told me to go look for him myself. They warned me that I should not cause trouble," said Mtulweni.

Subsequent visits to the police station proved fruitless.
Mtulweni said she received a telephone call from Shoba about three weeks later. He was crying and said he was in Orange Farm, south of Johannesburg. He also said: "They are hitting me".
"The phone was immediately dropped after he said those words and I knew that something bad was happening to Koli," said Mtulweni.

The families visited hospitals and morgues in Johannesburg and even checked with prisons in their bid to trace Khumalo and Shoba.
Mtulweni said her family had lived in constant fear since the call. Every time they went to the police station to make inquiries, gunshots were fired close to their house at night.
"I feared for my other children's safety. No one ever dared mention their [Mdluli and Ximba's] names as you would be dealt with severely," said Mtulweni.


Khumalo's mother, Busisiwe Khumalo, shared the same fears as Mtulweni regarding the police at Vosloorus police station.
Khumalo's family were petrified to make inquiries.
His aunt, Boniswa, said: "We were scared to go to the police. Those policemen are untouchable. Even now, we don't know what can happen to us for talking to you."

The families say Shoba and Khumalo were police informants and suspect their disappearance is linked to their "knowing too much" and possibly having "dirt on senior police officials" at the Vosloorus police station.

Both families are relieved that the matter is receiving attention.

"I just want to know what happened to him and for those responsible to pay for what they did. I want his remains to bury him so that we can have closure. Not knowing what happened to your child is so painful," said Mtulweni.

Hawks spokesman McIntosh Polela confirmed that a Hawks team was investigating the disappearance of the two men.
"We are still trying to establish concrete evidence that would enable us to move on this matter," said Polela.
Ximba yesterday said he was unaware of the Hawks investigation and referred to it as a "joke".
"I don't give a damn. I'm tired of this s**t. Let them [the Hawks] just do what they want," he said before putting down the phone.

Shoba and Khumalo's case forms part of a broader investigation by the Hawks.
City Press this week reported that a task team headed by Colonel Piet Viljoen had been assigned by Hawks head Anwa Dramat to investigate the murder charges against Mdluli and Ximba.

Col. Piet Viljoen

Mdluli and Ximba, court orderly Warrant Officer Samuel Dlomo and Colonel Mthunzi-Omhle Mtunzi, were arrested in March this year for another cold murder case from 1999.
They face a raft of charges, including murder, kidnapping, conspiracy to murder, assault, defeating or obstructing the ends of justice, corruption and attempted murder.

Mdluli is alleged to have planned the murder of Oupa Ramogibe. The two were allegedly involved in a love triangle with Tshidi Buthelezi, with whom Mdluli had a child.

The Times understands that another case currently being re-investigated is that of the murder of a Vosloorus man for which Ximba was tried, but then acquitted on the grounds of self-defence.

 http://www.timeslive.co.za/local/2011/10/19/exclusive-skeletons-spill-out-of-richard-mdluli-s-closet#

Monday, October 17, 2011

Police Commissioner Cele Bombed?

The Sunday Independent newspaper stood by its report that national police chief General Bheki Cele had been fired, editor Makhudu Sefara said on Monday.

“I don't know what people know about news stories, but from where we sit, the information has been sourced properly... it has been corroborated by more than two sources,” he said.

The newspaper reported on Sunday that Cele had been axed and asked to take up a diplomatic post in Canada, and that he was expected to vacate his office by November 30.

The dismissal was reportedly the result of a report, by Public Protector Thuli Madonsela, which implicated him in controversial lease deals for buildings in Durban and Pretoria.

Madonsela found Cele had been involved in improper conduct and maladministration.

Police rejected the report on Monday, and said it was the product of incompetence and corruption.

“The SA Police Service (SAPS) would like to assure the South African public that General Cele is very much entrenched in his position as national commissioner,” Cele's spokeswoman Major-General Nonkululeko Mbatha said.

“No amount of dirty tricks... will ever destabilise the organisation.”

She said a disinformation campaign against Cele was being run by the “criminal underworld” with assistance from “their friends in the media”.

The newspaper report did not quote any documents or sources to validate its claims, she said.

A letter was being sent to the newspaper requesting an internal investigation

“The SAPS will be asking the newspaper proprietors to release the findings of their investigation within 21 days,” Mbatha said.

Sefara said the newspaper would consider the request.

“A basis for the investigation has not been established. If they ( the police) wish to request an investigation, we will listen and make a decision if we think there is sufficient basis for it,” the editor said.

Monday, October 10, 2011

Traffic "officers" Brag About Serious Assault

2011-10-07

"This is what a white c*nt looks like afte we f*cked him up"




This is how Mpumalanga traffic "officers" bragged after they seriously assaulted the 42 year old farmer from Grootvlei.


Mr. Rikus Ras' two todlers went histerical while about ten traffic "officers" assaulted their father.

Little Heinrich (2) and Rikus (3) was with their father when he was stopped by the traffice "officers" at a t-junction.

"I have never in my life been so humiliated and afraid for my life. Fearing the very people who were 'appointed to protect the public'..." he said.

One of the traffice "officers" told Mr Ras that his one brakelight was deffective. Mr Ras got out of his car and checked the light. An argument started and the traffic "officer" started pushing Mr Ras around and head-butted him.

Mr Ras informed him that he was going to lay a charge at the police station for the assault.

He then drove of towards the town to go to the police station.

A couple of kilometers further he was forced off the road by 4 traffic police vehicles.

That was when all hell broke loose. One of them tried to break his window while another was choking him through the back window of his pickup truck. One of the "officers" sprayed teargas into the cab of the vehicle.

Two of Ras'workers who were on the vehicle pulled the children through the window and ran away with them for their own safety.


The traffic "officers" dragged him from the vehicle, swore at him, made racist remarks and assaulted him.

He was handcuffed and taken to the police station where he was charged with assault, crimen injuria, and refusing to comply with an order from a traffic "officer".

He was later taken to the Grootvlei police station where he laid charges against the "officers" and he was released on a warning - no bail required.

Mr. Joseph Mabuza, spokesman for the department of safety and security confirmed the incident.

Lt.Col. Leonard Hlathi, polic spokesman confirmed that they are invstigating the case.


Many thanks to Marius Avenant for the link.

http://www.beeld.com/Suid-Afrika/Nuus/Verkeersmanne-spog-glo-oor-hul-boer-erg-aanrand-20111007