Juju and Zuma

Arms deal activist won't drop case

2011-10-27

Arms deal activist Terry Crawford-Browne is to pursue his Constitutional Court case against President Jacob Zuma over the arms deal.
He said on Thursday he was not happy with the terms of reference announced for the commission of inquiry into the multi-billion-rand arms deal.

It was up to the Constitutional Court to determine whether the terms of reference for the commission "mustered", Crawford-Browne said.

"No, I am not dropping the court case. I'm not happy with the terms of reference.

"It's not for me to take that decision. It is for Constitutional Court to determine whether terms can muster... and they don't."

Crawford-Browne took Zuma to the Constitutional Court to force him to appoint a judicial commission of inquiry into the deal.

He said he had a number of problems with the terms of reference, including the issue of the arms deal offset packages for civilians, which included new investments, manufacturing, skills development and technology transfer projects.

"There are a number of problems... The terms don't deal with problem of offset," he said.

"The offsets are incompatible with the Constitution in terms of Section 217. The terms are not looking at whether the offsets have been met, because they haven't."

The offsets in the arms deal were not constitutional, he said, and so the arms deal was unconstitutional before it even started.

He said the British government had admitted that BAE paid arms deal bribes of R1.5bn.

"I've submitted 150 pages to detail how and why BAE facilitated bribes. We don't need another two years of inquiries to establish that."

Crawford-Browne said there was also a serious problem of sitting judges running the inquiry as they could act as prosecutor and judge and, as a result, have their findings challenged.

"We could end up with two years of commission, R40m spent, and a meaningless inquiry."

The case was set down for November 17, he said.

Justice Minister Jeff Radebe said earlier the Seriti commission of inquiry would have two years and extensive powers to "get to the bottom" of all graft allegations that had plagued the arms deal for over a decade.

Established in terms of the Commissions Act, it may compel witnesses, including members of the executive, to give evidence and recommend that people implicated in corruption face prosecution.

"They have the power to subpoena anybody, including members of the executive... who can bring light to this issue," Radebe said as he announced the terms of reference of the three-man panel chaired by Judge Willie Seriti.

Its remit would allow it to re-open past investigations into the deal long marred by allegations that senior politicians, including President Jacob Zuma, benefited improperly from contracts.

http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/Politics/Arms-deal-activist-wont-drop-case-20111027

Zuma's Questionable Motives

Is it an ambush by scandal on the road to Mangaung or a wise capitulation in the face of a near-certain court defeat?
Those alternatives broadly sum up the reaction to President Jacob Zuma's decision to release the report of the Donen Commission, which investigated South African involvement in the payment of kickbacks to Saddam Hussein's regime in return for oil allocations.
The Cape Argus newspaper has been pursuing a bid for access to the report in terms of the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA).

If you were reading your Mail & Guardian in 2004, you will recall that two important threats to Zuma's pre-eminence, Kgalema Motlanthe and Tokyo Sexwale, were deeply implicated in the "oil-for-food" scandal. Both men will see their reputations hurt by the publication of the report. That, of course, is no reason to keep it secret and we welcome its publication, which we believe will further confirm many of the details of our reporting seven years ago.

Kgalema Motlanthe

Judy Sexwale wife of ANC stalwart Tokyo Sexwale. Judy was a paralegal when she met and married Tokyo when he was incarcerated on Robben Island.

But the suggestion that Zuma is releasing the report because of a sudden commitment to open government, or to pre-empt a pointless court battle, won't wash. Certainly the experience of the M&G suggests that when it comes to PAIA, Zuma is more than happy to risk defeat.

We have been fighting for three years to obtain a report by judges Dikgang Moseneke and Sisi Khampepe on the constitutional environment in which Zimbabwe's rigged 2002 elections took place. We won in the high court and we won again, resoundingly, in the Supreme Court of Appeal. That didn't stop Zuma from taking the case to the Constitutional Court, which is currently deliberating on its judgment.

South Africans have been through nearly a decade of succession wars conducted under the cover of legal battles and leaks and we are now incapable of remaining credulous in the face of these contradictions. After all, as we learned in early 2009, it is possible for two contending narratives to be true at the same time.

The National Prosecuting Authority did have compelling evidence of fraud and corruption against Zuma, as the Thabo Mbeki camp insisted, but the case against him was also subject to political influence, as his supporters kept complaining.

Similarly, there is plenty of reason to believe Motlanthe and Sexwale were up to their necks in dodgy crude just before the US-led invasion of Iraq and that the legal process is a politically convenient pretext for Zuma. Certainly, as our reporting this week shows, the two men in question are convinced the decision is motivated by succession considerations and they are hopping mad.

It was against this backdrop that Mac Maharaj, the president's emissary to the media, sent out a Press Freedom Day message complaining that it was terribly unfair to castigate Zuma for indecisiveness on Sicelo Shiceka, Gwen Mahlangu-Nkabine and Bheki Cele and then turn on a dime to attack his political motives when he acts boldly, as he has on Oilgate.

In fact, Zuma isn't so much indecisive as unwilling to be drawn into battles that may not profit him. So Mac, we're pleased that the report will be made public, but don't expect us to turn a blind eye to your boss's motives.

  No room for racism

When Mbongeni Ngema claimed in the hit song AmaNdiya that Indians were responsible for the oppression and marginalisation of Africans in KwaZulu-Natal he was called to order by then-president Nelson Mandela, who demanded, and got, an apology, albeit rather mealy-mouthed.
Madiba's objective was not to ignore the complex history of both solidarity and tension between oppressed communities in the province, but to put beyond the social and political pale the racism that Ngema so clearly evinced.

That was in 2002. Just eight years later, under a president who counts among his closest advisers and most senior ministers Indian struggle veterans like Mac Mahraj and Pravin Gordhan, such talk has become grotesquely respectable. How else could Jimmy Manyi, a senior civil servant, complain as he did in 2010, that Indians were disproportionately represented in management because of their talent for bargaining? He claims he was joking, but that is no defence. That is how the social space for hatred is opened up.
And it is how it comes to pass that we see the Judicial Service Commission considering a bizarre letter from the Pietermaritzburg branch of the Black Lawyer's Association attacking the suitability of KwaZulu-Natal deputy judge president Chiman Patel for promotion to judge president. Their grounds? He is Indian and would therefore favour other Indians when asked to appoint acting judges. The letter found a more nuanced echo in answers from another candidate for the post, Judge Mjabuliseni Madondo, who referred to "all kinds of things which need more insight which a person who is not African cannot be privy to … We were oppressed, but not in the same way."

And finally there is Julius Malema, speaking in Thembelihle, where service-delivery protests have been lent a sharper edge by perceptions that Indian residents of nearby Lenasia are treated better by the government. When Malema spoke of amaKula, or "coolies", he closed the circle with Ngema and set up a resonance that the worthies of the JSC ought to find deeply uncomfortable. There is no space on the commanding heights of our society for racism, whether cloaked in lawyers robes, or in naked, demagogic display.

If Zuma wants praise for his decisiveness, he should make that clear.

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-10-21-questionable-motives

Juju's March

TRUE COLOURS: ANCYL T-shirts and caps are displayed for sale at the league’s economic freedom march in Johannesburg.

WTF ?!?

AT THE READY: Marshals stand ready as the ANCYL's economic freedom march moves through Johannesburg.

I like the way Malema was not only late for his own march but also alternated between walking and riding the route

but his supporters didnt have that priviledge, what a twat!

EN MASSE: ANCYL march on Oxford Road, Johannesburg.

Just an excuse to cause more disruption, who is paying for this & the destruction left in their wake??

FRIENDLY: A jubilant supporter jumps on Julius Malema as he leads the crowd of protesters during the ANCYL march to the Chamber of Mines in central Johannesburg.

A look of total disgust at being touched....so much for being with the people for the people?

DANCING: Members of the ANCYL dance as they stage an "economic freedom youth mass action" march in Johannesburg.

I thought they were meant to be the Youth League not the Old Wives Club??

PS: The red is my own comments and not what was published by the media.

I will die laughing if we get a huge rain storm tonight washing out their night vigilante

At least the traffic going to work was better this morning.....

 

My thanks to Tanya Blank for this email - you rock my friend <3<3

 

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Uhuru

Below is a brilliant summary and analysis of the dire situation in South Africa


An excellent blog!!

Malema's Palace

Translated: MALEMA BUILDS R 16 MILLION PALACE!

MAKES YOU THINK!

Zuma's Full Statement on Cele and Ministers

Ladies and gentlemen of the media,
Thank you for joining us today.

I have a few announcements to make. These relate to changes to the National Executive of government, the Commission of Inquiry into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages and the matter relating to the National Police Commissioner.

I have decided to make the following changes to the National Executive.

1. Ms Dina Pule, currently the Deputy Minister for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, has been appointed Minister of Communications.

2. Mr Thembelani “Thulas” Nxesi, the Deputy Minister for Rural Development and Land Reform, will become the new Minister of Public Works. The Department will no longer have a Deputy Minister.

3. Minister Richard Baloyi, the Minister of Public Service and Administration, has been appointed Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs.

4. Mr Roy Padayachie, the Minister of Communications, is to take over the Public Service and Administration portfolio.

5. Mr Obed Bapela, the Deputy Minister of Communications, has been appointed Deputy Minister in the Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation.

6. Ms Hendrietta Bogopane-Zulu, the Deputy Minister of Public Works, will be the Deputy Minister for Women, Children and Persons with Disability.

7. Mr S. Lechesa Tsenoli, chairperson of the portfolio committee on cooperative governance and traditional affairs, has been appointed as Deputy Minister for Rural Development and Land Reform.

8. ANC Member of Parliament, Ms Thembisa Stella Ndabeni, will become the Deputy Minister of Communications.

I wish all the new Ministers and Deputy Ministers well in their portfolios.

We also extend our gratitude to the Ministers and Deputy Ministers who have vacated their portfolios for their contribution to building a better life for all.

Ladies and gentlemen,

On the 15th of September I announced that I would, in terms of section 84 (2) (f) of the Constitution, appoint a commission of inquiry to investigate allegations of wrongdoing in the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, generally known as the “arms deal”.

I have appointed the Commission. The esteemed members are as follows;

1. Honourable Mr Justice Willie Seriti, Judge of the Supreme Court of Appeal.

2. Honourable Mr Justice Willem van der Merwe, Deputy Judge President of the North Gauteng High Court.

3. Honourable Mr Justice Francis Legodi, Judge of the North Gauteng High Court.

Mr Justice Seriti will chair the Commission, which is expected to complete its work within two years.

We wish Mr Justice Seriti and his team well in the execution of this important task.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Section 9 (1) read with section 8 (1) to (8) empowers the President to establish a Board of Inquiry into allegations of misconduct against the National Police Commissioner, and make findings and recommendations as contemplated in section 8(6)(b).

In August, I informed the National Commissioner, General Bheki Cele, of my intention to institute a Board of Inquiry to look into the allegations of misconduct, in relation to the procurement of office accommodation for the South African Police Service, as per the findings and recommendations of the Public Protector.

I have established the Board of Inquiry. The esteemed members are as follows;

• Ms Justice Yvonne Mokgoro (retired).

• Advocate Terry Motau (SC).

• Advocate Anthea Platt.

Ms Justice Mokgoro will chair the Board of Inquiry.

I have also decided to suspend the National Commissioner from duty with immediate effect, pending the outcome of the inquiry, in terms of section 8 (3) (a) read with Section 9 (1) of the South African Police Service Act.

He will, during the period of suspension, be entitled to his full salary, allowances, privileges and benefits, in terms of Section 8(3)(b) of the Act.
Major General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi will act as National Commissioner until further notice.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I thank you.

http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/Politics/Cele-fired-Zumas-statement-20111024#.TqV5OM6Mqpx.facebook

I Accuse - By Nelson Mandela

Nelson Mandela speaking to the court at his trial in 1962. It was printed afterward in a pamphlet called ‘I ACCUSE! SPEECHES TO COURT BY NELSON MANDELA’. This was printed on poor paper in South Africa. Mandela’s picture was on the cover and below it: ‘WHEN YOU HAVE FINISHED PLEASE, PASS IT ON‘.

Mr Mandela’s fake Ethiopian passport, issued in 1962, in the name of David Motsamayi. He used it to travel to travel the continent to arrange support for the newly set up Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK).

Feeding the Birds

The following insightful analogy was found on the Face book site of Helen Zille, our Premier of the Western Cape. One of her fans had posted this comment - it is quite clever!

"I bought a bird feeder. I hung it on my back porch and filled it with seed. What a beauty of a bird feeder it was, as I filled it lovingly with  seed. Within a week we had hundreds of birds taking advantage of the continuous flow of free and easily accessible food.

But then the birds started building nests in the boards of the patio, above the table, and next to the barbecue.

Then came the poop. It was everywhere: on the patio tile, the chairs, the table, everywhere!

Then  some of the birds turned mean. They would dive bomb me and try to peck me  even though I had fed them out of my own pocket. And others birds were  boisterous and loud. They sat on the feeder and squawked and screamed at  all hours of the day and night and demanded that I fill it when it got low
on food.

After a while, I couldn't even sit on my own back porch anymore.

So I took down the bird feeder and in three days the birds were gone. I cleaned up  their mess and took down the many nests they had built all over the patio.

Soon, the back yard was like it used to be .. quiet, serene.. and no one demanding their rights to a free meal.

Now let's see.

Our government gives out free food, subsidized housing, free medical care

  and free education, and allows anyone born here to be an automatic citizen.
Then the illegals came by the tens of thousands. Suddenly our taxes went  up to pay for free services; small apartments are housing 5 families; you  have to wait 6 hours to be seen by an emergency room doctor; your child's  second grade class is behind other schools because over half the class  doesn't speak English. Corn Flakes now come in a bilingual box; I have to 'press one' to hear my bank talk to me in English, and people waving flags  other than our flag are squawking and screaming in the streets, demanding  more rights and free liberties.

Just my opinion, but maybe it's time for the government to take down the  bird feeder.

If you agree, pass it on; if not, continue cleaning up the poop."

Mahlamba Ndlopfu - Zuma's Official Residence

Condition	Good
Date of origin	1936-1940
Previous names	Libertas
Place	Bryntirion
Street	George Washington Blvd. Access via Church Street
Town	Pretoria
Magisterial district	Tshwane
Province	Gauteng
Country	South Africa
GPS coordinates	25°44’14.73” S 28°13’35.53” E
Planning authority name	Department of Public Works
Architect/Firm	(data here)
Project architect/Designer	Gerard Moerdyk/Moerdijk
Commissioning owner	Department of Public Works
Current owner	Department of Public Works
Current occupant	President Jacob Zuma
Previous uses	Official residence of the prime minister
	Official residence of the president of South Africa Mahlamba Ndlopfu is the Official Residence for the President of the Republic of South Africa in Pretoria. The house was formerly known as Libertas and was completed in 1940 as the official residence for the Prime Minister of South Africa. The Architect was Dr Gerrit Moerdyk who designed the house in a traditional Cape-Dutch style but with certain adaptations for a residence of this status. Dr Moerdyk was selected to be the architect after his design won the national competition by the Department of Public Works for such a project. The name Libertas was changed in 1995 to what we know today as Mahlamba Ndlopfu (Shangaan). Mahlamba Ndlopfu means "The new dawn" when translated into English.