Cost of Zuma’s wives, children nearly doubles

WYNDHAM HARTLEY

Published:2010/03/17 06:32:04 AM

CAPE TOWN — The cost to the taxpayer of support for President Jacob Zuma ’s wives and children almost doubled in 2009-10, soaring to more than R15m from R8m a year before, according to figures released by the Presidency yesterday.
Speculation has been rife since Zuma came to power over the cost of his extended family, both during his term and once he has left office, and whether this would include children born from extramarital relations.

Yesterday, in response to a question from Democratic Alliance parliamentary leader Athol Trollip, Minister in the Presidency Collins Chabane said that in 2008-09 the spousal office budget was R8,076m while the adjusted budget for 2009- 10 was R15,517m. The spousal office in the Presidency provides support and benefits to spouses and children of the president.

When Trollip asked what the expenses and benefits enjoyed by Zuma’s wives and children were, Chabane provided guidelines .

“Although the spouses have no constitutionally defined roles, obligations or responsibilities and as such are not remunerated by the state, they are, however, expected to provide support to the President in the execution of his duties, and specifically at state and official functions. In addition, the spouses may fulfil other official functions in support, and in the interest, of the Republic.

“The state provides all reasonable administrative, logistical and other support to the spouses to enable them to meet these responsibilities in a manner that permits them actively to pursue their own careers and interests if they so desire. The state also may provide reasonable logistical support to the spouses to assist with the day-to-day logistical arrangements of dependent school- going children in the household,” Chabane said.

He said that staff were allocated to spouses and these included a private secretary and a researcher. Administrative requirements were also met.

Chabane said: “Expenses covered for spouses by the Presidency therefore include the following: personal support staff — secretary and researcher; domestic air travel and accommodation and international air travel and accommodation for official visits abroad approved by the President; cellular phones for spouses and their secretaries; equipment such as laptops and printers; and special daily allowances for incidental expenses during official journeys.”

Dependent children of the president are defined as being under the age of 18, but under the age of 27 if studying full-time.

“The dependent children of the President may collectively utilise up to 60 single domestic economy class flights per annum to visit and reunite with their parents within the country at the cost of the Presidency. This figure is regardless of the total number of qualifying children. Travel costs beyond the allotted tickets are to be borne by the President.”

If a child minder has to accompany a child younger than eight, then the tickets come from the allocated 60.

Chabane said the policy applied to all the president’s children regardless of whether he was married to the mother.


http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/Content.aspx?id=103788

Police Violence in South Africa

Yes that's what happens folks!

Lightening is Racism

Nomsa Dube

 KwaZulu-Natal MEC for co-operative governance and traditional affairs Nomsa Dube called on the national department of science and technology to investigate the causes of lightning after seven people died in lightning strikes.

"We will do an investigation and talk to the department of science and technology on what is the cause of the lightning, and if it only happened to the previously disadvantaged as I have never seen any white people being struck by lightning." said Dube.

She was visiting Mpumazi in Eshowe where seven people from two families died after being struck by lightning on Sunday. "Scientists from the department could perhaps help us and come up with instruments that could help community members protect themselves against lightning. "The department has dealt with floods and fires, but lightning was new to us," said Dube.
 

 Our country is clearly in excellent hands

Acting Police Commisioner to be Probed

Top cop to be probed for ‘abuse of power’

CAN'T ZUMA GET ANYTHING RIGHT?

Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi

Acting police commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi faces an investigation into allegations of improper conduct and abuse of power. This comes after Public Protector Thuli Madonsela agreed to look into a complaint lodged by DA MP Dianne Kohler Barnard last month.

In a letter to Kohler Barnard dated April 12, Madonsela wrote that her preliminary assessment had determined “there is a prima facie case of improper conduct and abuse of power which warrants an investigation”.

The case had been handed to her office’s good governance and integrity unit for further action.

Mkhwanazi, appointed by President Jacob Zuma in October, has now become the third police commissioner in a row to face serious allegations of one form or another.

Disgraced former commissioner Jackie Selebi is serving 15 years in jail after he was convicted of receiving corrupt payments from convicted drug trafficker Glen Agliotti.

His replacement, General Bheki Cele – appointed by Zuma in 2009 – is now suspended, pending an inquiry into his fitness for office after a public protector investigation implicated him in the police’s R1.7 billion office leasing scandal.

The Mkhwanazi investigation is in response to the DA’s claim that the general was an “accomplice to a murder case” and had obstructed justice by “failing to co-operate in the (resulting) investigation”.

He allegedly also failed “to investigate the misappropriation of millions of rands” from the police’s controversial crime intelligence division (CID) slush fund.

Kohler Barnard claims to be in possession of nine affidavits from police officers who attended a meeting addressed by Mkhwanazi on March 5. There he is alleged to have told fellow officers that he once witnessed a suspect being shot and killed by the police, but that such incidents were not always reported.

In one sworn affidavit, an unidentified police officer alleges: “He (Mkhwanazi) was also involved in a shooting incident, where an innocent person was killed. He was requested to make a statement, but refused. He said he’d go to his grave with the information,” unless called to testify before a commission of inquiry.

Mkhwanazi has said through his spokesman, Lindela Mashigo, that he would “account to the (public protector’s) probe” if it went ahead. Mkhwanazi could not be reached for comment on Wednesday.

However, the acting commissioner told MPs last week that he planned to take his accusers to court.

The top cop went on to explain his version of the March 5 conversation with fellow officers.

As an “example”, he recounted how, during his time at the police task force, his job was to “neutralise threats” posed by dangerous criminals. He said he would be called to arrest dangerous suspects and would hand them over – handcuffed – to detectives. “Now, when I walk away, the next thing I hear gunshots. When I go back to investigate… the very same detective will tell you this (suspect) was trying to shoot me and I was defending myself. It’s a serious concern.”

But the police chief did not clarify whether he was speaking metaphorically or had personally witnessed such shootings. This will form part of Madonsela’s probe.

The slush fund allegations relate to an internal police investigation which found that crime intelligence boss, Lieutenant-General Richard Mdluli, may have plundered the police’s secret fund of up to R5 million for his and his family’s benefit

Last week Mkhwanazi told MPs he had recently been told by “powers beyond us” which matters he and his officers may or may not investigate. He later said he was not implying political interference.

http://www.iol.co.za/news/crime-courts/top-cop-to-be-probed-for-abuse-of-power-1.1284597

Siphoning off R40 billion

Public servants have illegally received more than R40.8 billion in fraudulent social grant claims between August 2009 and December 2011.

No Caption

 

This was revealed in an answer to a parliamentary question from the Democratic Alliance (DA) by Social Development Minister Bathabile Dlamini on Thursday.

The money lost through social grant fraud by public servants could have paid 145,875 child support grants.

The Department of Social Development confirmed last week that the Special Investigating Unit had found 25,255 cases of social grant fraud by public officials since the inception of the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) in 2005.

"It is clear that this type of corruption has become endemic and that we need urgent intervention by the Department," Mike Walters, DA spokesperson.

A reply to a DA parliamentary question received from the Department of Social Development in March this year confirmed that 80% of staff members employed by SASSA have not been properly vetted.
"We will continue to push for the names and positions of public servants involved in social grant fraud. It may very well be that the individuals involved are in senior positions and have significant influence over the system and databases," Walters said.

http://www.businesslive.co.za/southafrica/sa_markets/2012/04/26/public-servants-siphon-off-r40-billion-in-social-grants

SA is The Crime Capital of the World

The Nedcore Project has concluded that: "South Africa and Southern Africa are probably the most murderous societies on earth, even with the probable under-reporting."

The Nedcore Project claims the results of their surveys "underscore the fact that crime has become South Africa's pre-eminent sociological problem. It now eclipses even unemployment in concerns of all South Africans."

The bizarre behaviour of the ANC government in, at one stage, imposing a moratorium on crime statistics is also questioned.

The report shows that in the first seven years of ANC rule, violence and crime in South Africa increased by 33 per cent, officially.

Worse Than War The UCA Report on Murder in South Africa reveals that according to the official statistics, in the 44 years from 1950 to 1993, there was an average of 7 036 murders per year.

This covered the turbulent strife of the apartheid years of warfare, conflict, terrorism, riots and repression.

However, in the first eight years (of peace) of the new democratic dispensation, under the ANC, an average of 24 206 murders were committed each year.

However, if the Interpol statistics are accepted, then the murder rate in South Africa during the ANC years has averaged 47 882 per year.

Official Cover Up Sharp discrepancies between official statistics and those of Interpol and the Medical Research Council are considered.

One observer is quoted as saying that the "easiest way for the police to reduce the crime rate is simply to do nothing but record only those crimes where a case number is absolutely mandatory".

Numerous experts are quoted as suspecting "serious under reporting"; "perhaps these figures are concealed for political reasons"; "the reason for this under reporting could be the desire to change the ongoing reputation of South Africa as the crime capital of the world."

Yours in conscience.

http://www.looklocal.co.za/looklocal/content/en/benoni/benoni-your-voices?oid=5454915&sn=Detail&pid=null&The-tragedy-of-crime-ridden-SA

Zuma's Wives and Kids

Apartheid - An Inhumans System

The old SA is frequently accused of "abhorrent human rights abuse", but to this day no one could come up with any evidence to the effect, yet we can provide literally thousands of cases orchestrated and executed by the ANC against blacks since their founding some 100 years ago.

According to the ANC Regime's own Human Rights Commission (HRC), 73 people died while in Police detention during the period 1963 to 1990, which equates to 2.6 people annually during the "Apartheid" years.
According to the ANC Regime's own Independent Complaints Directorate (IDC), 219 people died in police custody for the period 1997 to 1998 alone.
By the time we received their results for the period 2008 to 2009 a total of 912 people had died while in SA Police custody.

Yet the old SA police were accused of being brutal and inhumane, while no one has ever said a single word about what has been happening since the ANC took control of South Africa?

For more on this and other so-called Apartheid atrocities please read: Apartheid Inhumane System

http://toxinews.blogspot.com/2012/04/brutal-murder-of-yet-another-white-man.html

Murder In The Police Cells

A witness has told how he heard a man calling for help shortly before he died following an assault in the Durbanville police cells.

Eben Meyer, 47, apparently pulled on the cell bars in an attempt to get the attention of police officers on duty, Die Burger reported.

His blood-covered body was found in the early hours of Saturday morning in the cell that he was sharing with eight other men.

Meyer had been arrested at about 01:00 for public drunkenness. He had apparently gone drinking after a fight with his fiancée.

Another man from Durbanville, who asked to remain anonymous, said he had also been locked up in the police cells on Saturday evening.

He was put in a cell next to Meyer’s. He said the men were already assaulting Meyer when he arrived.

He saw them kicking and hitting Meyer.
Aggressive
The witness said, however, that Meyer had been aggressive following his arrival, swearing and demanding cigarettes, and hitting two other men. He said Meyer had been looking for trouble.

“It’s sad that he died, but he needed a hiding.”

He said it felt like the assault on Meyer had taken several hours and that he was surprised that the police officials in the charge office nearby did not come to Meyer’s aid.

The two accused, Daniel Dyosi, 40, and Sipho Mhlanga, 29, were charged with Meyer’s murder. They appeared in the Bellville Magistrate's Court on Monday, where their case was postponed to May 10 for a formal bail application.

http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Witness-saw-attack-on-man-in-police-cell-20120425

A True Story Of Police Brutality

That barbarian methods of torturing are used by police is one hundred percent correct. I can personally testify to this.

On 10 December 2002, I, Wilhelm Pretorius, a 25 year old student, was arrested on political and especially weapons-related charges, including high treason and conspiracy to a coup d’ état.

The charges were essentially similar to those for which a group of ANC-members consisting of most current South African Members of Parliament were charged during the apartheid years.

I was arrested at 20h00 (8:00 pm) in a park in Pretoria while it was drizzling. My hands were tied behind my back with thick, strong plastic cables, in such a way that the blood supply to my hands was denied. For approximately two hours I lay on the ground on my stomach. During this time, one of the policemen came and stood on my neck.

After approximately two hours, Captain Johan Vice took me to a Venture vehicle belonging to the police that had dark-tinted windows. When I got into the vehicle,which was driven by a white woman, Capt Vice was seated directly behind me, and one Lotter, another policeman, on the right-hand side of the seat behind mine. My hands were still tightly bound, so that my hands were already feeling numb. The next thing I knew was Capt Vice throwing his shirt over my head and pulling it back sharply, with the obvious intention of strangling me. I struggled violently and managed to free my head from the shirt, totally dazed by what had just happened.

I still was not prepared for the barbarism that would follow. He pulled the shirt over my eyes to blind me. Capt Vice is approximately 2 m (6’6”) tall. He is a large man with massive hands. With his gigantic hands, he grabbed me around my throat, pushing in my Adam’s apple to shut off my windpipe so that I simply could not breathe. I squirmed and struggled, but his hands were firmly anchored around my throat, like the paws of a lion around the throat of an impala.

 I struggled for breath so vehemently that I eventually landed on the middle seat of the Venture.

I was now virtually lying on his lap, with my hands still bound behind my back. Using his fist, he repeatedly hit me on the side of my face asking where my brothers were. At that stage, they were still wanted by the police for the same case. This process continued for a long time. He also forcefully pushed his finger into my ear.

At one stage, we stopped next to the road Vice threatened that if I would try to remove the shirt from my eyes, he would kill me. He said to me that he had made special arrangements for a so called “Kaffir” (black man) to rape me. “They have been craving nice white flesh for quite some time now,” he sneered.

Somebody with alcohol on his breath then bent over me, as I was lying on the middle seat of the Venture, while the door was open. This person spoke in isiZulu and repeatedly tampered with my trousers and my belt. He also repeatedly slapped me in the face. I did not understand what he was saying. Sometimes he spoke near to me so that I could smell the odour of alcohol on his stinking breath. I later recognized the person from his voice as one of the policemen who much later interrogated me again. Again I was hit on the side of my face by Capt Vice, again and again. I was also repeatedly asked if I were a “virgin,” referring to the fact that I was going to be raped. This was continuously repeated to me.

They then took me out of the car and made me lie on a plastic sheet next to the road. It sounded to me as if it were a deserted place. I was still blindfolded and could not see where I was. The plastic cables started cutting into the flesh of my arms and my hands were totally numb, Capt Vice came and sat on me and forced a rubbery piece of material over my mouth and nose. I could get no breath. I initially kicked and struggled, but quickly realized that it only caused me to waste more breath. This process continued while they shouted and swore at me.

I lay on my numb hands and gasped for breath. Sometimes I just gave up and let go so that I could die, at other times I just saw stars before my eyes. My lungs felt as if they would burst, while my whole body was exhausted from being deprived of oxygen.

They continued cursing me and threatening to kill me. “Didn’t you sh** in your pants yet?” and other similar remarks were shouted at me.

During the struggle I landed on my stomach after having rid myself of the blindfold. I could then see who the savage was who had carried out his barbarian acts on me. The same man came and sat on me. He put the inner tube over my mouth and nose, and pulled my neck backwards, using brute force. Every second it felt as if my neck would break. I was helpless and could not do anything except endure it. I got no breath, my whole back and neck felt as if they would break at any moment.

There were times when I just gave up and thought to myself that if my neck had to be broken, then let it be. Initially I struggled against this murderer with all my power, but later I just gave up and let go. “If my neck breaks now, it would at least be the end of this hell,” I found myself thinking.

I then relaxed my whole body so that my neck could break. I was to find out afterwards that one of the AWB men, Phil Kloppers, who is still in jail today in a wheelchair, had been paralyzed by similar police torture.

After this session, the person stood on my lower back while he violently forced my hands upwards. It felt as if my arms were being torn out of their sockets. My head was against the ground, and my neck was stretched in such a way that once again I could not breathe. This continued the whole time while they yelled questions at me about where my brothers were, how we communicated, and when I was supposed to see them again.

I did not know where they were and had to think up a story of how we communicated and where they were, in order to get them to allow me some rest. They did not allow me any rest, however. After this torture session, my shoulders hurt so much that I could not lift them. For two weeks afterwards, I was unable to lift my arms above my shoulders, and two years afterwards, my shoulder still gave me problems during exercises. My torturer had completely strained my shoulder ligaments

I again landed on my back and was again suffocated with the rubber inner tube. At one stage, this was replaced by a plastic sheet. He then also repeatedly rubbed his knuckles violently on my breastbone. After I breathed for a moment, he would pick me up and put me on my feet. Approximately 8-10 times he hit me in the stomach with full force, so that I fell to the ground.

There was an unknown grey-haired policeman whom I will be able to recognize, who held me while the other one beat me up. I was picked up and hit in the stomach again and again.
After this session had finished, I was again blindfolded, this time with striped police barrier tape, the kind they use for roping off crime areas. This tape was wound tightly around my face. I can remember Vice and Lotter, and saw that there were two bakkies (light trucks) While this episode lasted, I heard them opening beer cans. In the bakkie there were a lot of empty beer cans.

They put me in the car again, finally believing that I would meet my brothers that night and that they would hide a message for me or I would hide one for them under a stone at an old fort which I knew well. We then drove to the fort, but they did not stop torturing me. On the way there, Capt Vice hit me on the elbow with the butt of his pistol and again hit me on the side of my face and pushed his finger into my ear. He also started hitting me on my thigh repeatedly. At that time, I had no feeling left in my hands. Even the blows to my head only made me see stars, but I actually did not feel the blows any more. The fact that I could breathe again was valuable to me.

I was lying on the middle seat of the bakkie. I heard them cocking their 9 mm pistols and running towards the fort. They shouted that they had seen tracks there and that my brothers probably were there. This was not so however, as people regularly visit that fort, and my brothers would never meet me there. We had not arranged to meet, and I did not know where they were.

We drove off again. I now promised that I would cooperate, in order to get a break to rest a little. My mind was tired, my throat bone dry, my hands were numb, and my whole being was blunted. Vice now cut off the plastic cords, using his pocket knife, and in the process, he also caused a cut in my left wrist. In spite of the fact that the cables had been removed, I still had no feeling. They bought me a Coke. My throat was so dry that the gas stuck to my throat.

We drove to their offices in the Piet Joubert building in Visagie Street. Here I was ordered to wash my face. I was startled to see my face in the mirror. My nose was covered with blood, and my face was so swollen that it looked like a pumpkin.

We walked upstairs to an office. Here, they peppered me with questions. Every time I gave an answer they did not like, they repeatedly slapped my head. Again, it was Capt Vice, Lotter, and the grey-haired policeman whose voice I recognized as the one who had pretended to be the black man who would rape me. There was a Zulu present as well. At one stage, when they started screaming at me again, they said that I had to go with the Zulu, because they knew how to make people talk.

One Colonel Van Rooyen then entered and took me aside. He had come to tell me that his father shares my views on politics. I had to cooperate with these people, though. He tried to convince me. When I asked him whether I did not have a right to remain silent, he became more aggressive and said that a criminal does not have the right to remain silent. Once a person has committed a crime, he no longer has a right to remain silent. He took me back to the others. Again they slapped me several times if they were not satisfied with the answers I provided.

One Commissioner Pruis and another commissioner then arrived. Also they peppered me with questions. We left the offices at approximately 10:00 (am). The policemen were in a jovial mood. I was not handcuffed. We got into the bakkie. It was the same bakkie in which we had driven there, and I also saw the pieces of barrier tape which they had used to blindfold me.

We then drove to Hartebeesfontein police station, approximately 300 km (200 miles) west van Pretoria. On the way there, we stopped at a liquor store in a town. The same three policemen asked me if I would go and buy liquor for them. I realized that if I did this, they could allege that I was trying to escape, and would able to shoot me dead. I refused, but tried to seem amicable.

Lotter, who sat next to me in the back, then went to buy the beer. They also gave me some beer, while they opened one beer after another. On the way to Potchefstroom, we passed through a roadblock, which made them very nervous, as they had drunk quite a lot.

My legal representative, Jaco van der Wateren in the meantime had traced me to Vice’s cell phone and I at last had an opportunity to talk to him. I also later phoned him from the police station. Vice told me that, if I cooperated nicely, they would look after me, otherwise they would “put me in with some Kaffirs.” “The Kaffirs are going to f**k you. Are you still a virgin, Willempie?” he sneeringly mocked me. When we arrived at the police station, I immediately phoned my attorney, who recommended that I file charges right away. I then made a statement without delay.

That night, I was locked up alone in an ice cold cell without being provided with any warm garments. My whole body was in a state of shock. The hairy, dirty blanket was insufficient. My neck was completely limp, and I to keep my head up was difficult. I carried my arms in front of me in a folded position, because I was unable to lift them. I started to experience a pins-and-needles feeling in my hands. I had pain-reliever tablets. My throat was so swollen from the strangulation that I could not eat anything. I could swallow with great difficulty only. I was locked up in the cell without water. I could not reach my wife on the telephone and was to learn afterwards that she had also been arrested, and one of my friends as well. I spent the night without painkillers or any other medication. Only the next morning did a policeman from Hartebeesfontein take me to a district surgeon. The DS examined me in the presence of the policeman, and I made sure that he made proper notes of all my injuries.

I was later informed that my wife’s door was kicked off while she was standing within sight of the police, phoning her attorney. They assaulted her and plucked the phone from her hand. A friend of mine who arrived on the scene was manhandled, and when he arrived at his car, he found that rivets had been shot into his tyres in order to prevent him from following them to see where they were taking my wife.

Capt Vice and Lotter still form part of the investigation team of the criminal case brought against me and others, which has been serving before a court of law for almost three years now. To date, nothing has come of the complaint filed by me. I have never yet met the investigating officer. In fact, no investigation has yet been done at all.

Au contraire, Capt Vice sits in court daily. He handles all written evidence of the accused, handles our security in jail, and is in charge of visits by our families. He sits in court daily and leers at us. Is this not a highly irregular arrangement under any legal system?

The ANC regularly complains that its members had been tortured by these monsters, yet the ANC has knowingly turned the self-same “policemen” loose upon its political opponents. Their members just turn their heads away while similar and worse violations are perpetrated against us.

This report mentions only the torture perpetrated against me personally. This does not even touch upon the refined psychic torture to which we are subjected day and night in jail.

Justice and righteousness cannot be relied upon in this country any longer. The monster of police brutality is a reality which is perpetuated by politically motivated silence.

http://www.whitenationnetwork.com/paper/?p=953