Showing posts with label Arms Deal. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Arms Deal. Show all posts

Friday, July 26, 2013

South Africa: Money woes ground SAAF choppers

Just a decade ago, the ANC spent over R45 BILLION on an arms deal. Of course, it was only a cover to allow the ANC to receive bribe money under the table. Zuma received money, Mbeki received money, Mandela received money - in fact, everyone of the ANC mamparas received money from the arms deal - their just rewards for gaining control of the country from the White man.

So, now the South African Air Force (SAAF) sits with 18 Agusta A109 helicopters in storage, and no money to fly them. The SAAF only has enough money to start the engines every now and then, but no money to get the Affirmative Action pilots to fly them. Or maybe they don't trust them?

That's not all. The 26 Gripen fighter aircraft - also part of the billion-rand arms deal that South Africa HAD TO HAVE - is also sitting mothballed. The ANC has slashed the SAAF budget by 60% and now there's talk that they will be selling the Gripens and not just the A109 helicopters, but all helicopter operations.

Gone is the proud SADF, feared by just about every military in the world, replaced by the SANDF, run by a bunch of clueless nincompoops. Can the ANC do anything right, apart from stealing money from the country? If corruption were an Olympic sport, the ANC would get Gold, Silver and Bronze medals. In fact, there'd be so much competition to get into the team.

This is so embarrassing. A bunch of porch monkeys in charge of South Africa's military. But, why should the ANC care?  A weak defence force means they don't have to fear a military coup from their own people.

And yet one wonders why thousands of South African and American soldiers are doing training exercises together in the Eastern Cape this week, apparently to respond to "humanitarian disasters and peace-keeping operations"? For that the ANC has got money, but to keep South African air-space protected - not so much.

Think about all the pilot training down the drain. All that considerable time and frustration put in by the White pilots to train the Affirmative Action pilots -  that is, the one's which didn't crash their planes and who managed to survive - down the ANC toilet, where everything good in South Africa has gone before. The ANC has managed to chase away most of the competent Whites across the military, and now they sit with a bunch of retards who probably can't fly the planes and choppers anyway. So, sell it off as scrap - after White South African tax payers have paid $$ billions to arm the country. Apparently that's not so critical anymore....

Maybe Zimbabwe will buy the lot from Zuma at auction - then Zuma can afford to build a few more houses in his Nkandlagate compound, and get himself another wife and have a few more pikininis.

At least during Apartheid South Africans slept safe at night, knowing our military was excellent and competent to look after the country. We had faith in them. 

Under the ANC, evil has taken over. 

It's sad seeing South Africa crumble before our eyes.





None of the South African Air Force's 18 Agusta A109 helicopters are being used, because there is no money to operate them, Beeld reported on Wednesday.

The helicopters were occasionally enabled, but did not ascend, an anonymous source reportedly told the newspaper.

In the long term, this reportedly meant pilots could lose their competency skills and that the helicopters would fall into disuse.

Beeld reported that the SAAF's 26 Gripen fighter aircraft, which were bought in the multi-million-rand arms deal a few years ago, were also rarely used.

A senior South African National Defence Force officer reportedly told the newspaper said the situation was grim.

Amid a 60-percent budget cut, it was considering selling the Gripens and not just the A109 helicopters, but all helicopter operations.

Military expert Helmoed-Romer Heitman reportedly said the SAAF was suffering from the government's indecision about what it expected from an army.

“An air force without fighter aircraft is a dead duck in Africa's military context. An army without helicopters and transport aircraft is a dinosaur in a swamp,” he was quoted as saying.

“An army without attack and tactical transport helicopters is a lame duck. A navy without helicopters and maritime patrol planes is blind.”

According to the newspaper, the SANDF did not respond to requests for comment.

Saturday, July 20, 2013

Arms Deal Kingpin Was 'Tipped Off'

Fana Hlongwane, a former state adviser central to the arms deal probe, was evidently tipped off his office and home would be raided by the Scorpions

Fana Hlongwane was allegedly paid R65-million in arms deal bribes.
And, although he should be central to the current commission's probe, apparently he cannot be found and has been removed from the list of witnesses that was released this week.
Because of the tip-off, four box-loads of evidence were allegedly removed from the politically connected consultant's Johannesburg office just hours before the raids early in December 2008. It is unclear who tipped Hlongwane off. The raids were part of the Scorpions' investigation into arms deal corruption.
At the end of 2011, President Jacob Zuma appointed a commission of inquiry under Judge Willie Seriti to investigate allegations of corruption surrounding the multibillion-rand arms deal. The commission's public hearings are scheduled to start on August 5, with not one of the 12 witnesses originally called invited to testify.
Seriti announced a revised 24-person list earlier this week that includes former president Thabo Mbeki, former defence minister Mosiuoa Lekota and his deputy Ronnie Kasrils, the trade and industry minister at the time of the arms deal, Alec Erwin, and the then finance minister, Trevor Manuel.
The Mail & Guardian has been told that this session of the hearings will be a scenesetter and witnesses will not be cross-examined on allegations that have emerged.
The original list of witnesses consisted mostly of whistle-blowers on corruption surrounding the arms deal. It included Cape Town mayor Patricia de Lille, retired banker Terry Crawford-Browne, former ANC MP Andrew Feinstein, businessperson Richard Young and DA MP David Maynier. Hlongwane, who was the former special adviser to the late defence minister Joe Modise, from 1995 to 1998, was also on the list.
Earlier this year, Seriti claimed Hlongwane could not be traced and, therefore, had not been issued with a subpoena.
Unimpressed
Crawford-Browne, who took Zuma to court and forced his hand in appointing the commission, is unimpressed with the new line-up.
"It seems evident to me that the schedule announced is just more foot-dragging and cover-up, and further evidence of still more bad faith and male fide," Crawford-Browne said.
The claim that Hlongwane was tipped off emerged in an email written by former Scorpions investigator Isak du Plooy to his senior colleagues, including the head of the Asset Forfeiture Unit, Willie Hofmeyr, and the then state prosecutor, Billy Downer, following the raids. Du Plooy's email was seen by the M&G this week.
Du Plooy established that, at 2am on the morning of the dawn raid, five cars arrived at the Hlongwane Consulting offices.
"One lady and four guys entered Hlongwane Consulting and came out with four big boxes, loaded the boxes in the cars and left again at 3.30am," he wrote in his email dated December?18 2008.
Hlongwane is central to the allegations of corruption surrounding the arms deal. The Serious Fraud Office in the United Kingdom alleged he was paid £5-million (about R65-million at the time) in connection with South Africa's purchase of 52 Hawk trainer aircraft and Saab Gripen fighter jets.
Two payments of commission to Hlongwane were authorised just before South Africa signed the final contracts in 1999.
The contract was awarded to a consortium headed by British Aerospace (BAE) Systems, but the British defence giant was unable to produce satisfactory evidence of legitimate services performed by their agents.
Payments
When the covert payments were made to the agents, Hlongwane was still working for Modise, although he later resigned from this post.
Hlongwane is alleged to have received payments through a number of financial vehicles, according to Serious Fraud Office documents seen by the M&G. These included payments through BAE and Sanip, a local company set up by BAE and Swedish company Saab, as well as two covert vehicles, Arstow Commercial Corporation, registered in the British Virgin Islands, and Commercial International Corporation, registered in Jersey.
Although the now defunct Scorpions, formally known as the Directorate of Special Operations, clearly had Hlongwane in its sights, few documents were seized in the raids on his premises.
In his email, Du Plooy wrote that, after the Scorpions raided, he had tried to meet a security guard at Hlongwane Consulting in Illovo but the guard did not turn up for the  appointment.
However, the investigator established that, at 2am, five people entered the offices, appeared with four boxes and left 90 minutes later.
Also, little documentation was seized at Hlongwane's luxurious house in Hyde Park during another raid on the same day, Du Plooy said. Evidence had allegedly been removed from his house before the raid.
Du Plooy said in the email he had followed up on an article that had appeared in the Citizen about the raids. In it, Chris Bathembu wrote about the alleged removal of documents from Hlongwane's house on December 1 2008.
'Absolute rubbish'
Du Plooy claimed he spoke to the reporter who told him to contact the former editor of the Financial Mail andBusiness Day and managing director of Times Media, Stephen Mulholland, who lived in the same street as Hlongwane.
But Bathembu, who now works for the Government Communication and Information System, said this week he had not spoken to the Scorpions investigator.
Du Plooy wrote in the email that he had contacted Mulholland, who said he had not seen the removal of any evidence from Hlongwane's house but had heard about it from his friends in his street. They claimed there had been "a lot of activity" between 1am and 3am at Hlongwane's house, shortly before the dawn raid.
Hlongwane's lawyer, Christo Stockenstrom, said the allegations that his client had been tipped off and had removed evidence before the raids was "absolute rubbish".
"It is a load of nonsense. The Scorpions phoned me from the premises and said they were going to raid. They asked me to come and open up for them."
Stockenstrom said that the accusations that his client had taken bribes were false.
"He was simply paid money for services rendered," he said.
But Saab admitted in 2011 that BAE Systems had irregularly channelled payments to a South African consultant, who is believed to be Hlongwane. BAE has denied the payments made were bribes.
Du Plooy, who is now a forensics manager at Deloitte, declined to comment on the raids. "I am sorry but I just can't say anything," he said.
The investigator quit his job shortly after he wrote the email.
Du Plooy was one of the lead investigators on the investigation into Zuma, and there were fears that after his departure from the Scorpions this prosecution might be compromised.
The charges brought against Zuma were eventually dropped by the National Prosecuting Authority in 2009.

Monday, June 24, 2013

Mandela and The Ambulance That Broke Down

» Ambulance engine failed on the road
» His wife, Graça Machel, was ‘frantic’
» Doctors say Madiba could have died
Former president Nelson Mandela was fighting for his life in a military ambulance in the early hours of a bitterly cold Saturday morning two weeks ago when the vehicle broke down on the highway between Johannesburg and Pretoria.
Madiba, who receives 24-hour medical care at his Houghton house, had suffered a serious medical setback and an emergency ambulance was summoned from 1 Military Hospital in Pretoria.
He was rushed to the Medi-Clinic Heart Hospital in Pretoria after being resuscitated.
Then the ambulance broke down.
For about 40 minutes, medical staff and nurses had to keep Mandela alive while the vehicle was stuck next to the road in icy 6°C weather.
Graça Machel, Mandela’s wife, travelled with him in the ambulance. Three separate sources have confirmed that she was “frantic”.
After the long wait a second ambulance, also from 1 Military Hospital, arrived. A frail Mandela was carried on a stretcher on the side of the road to the new vehicle.
As Madiba prepared to spend his 15th night in hospital, shocking details of what happened in the early hours of June 8 began to emerge yesterday.
President Jacob Zuma’s spokesperson, Mac Maharaj, yesterday confirmed that Mandela’s ambulance had broken down due to “engine failure”.
Several sources with direct knowledge of the incident confirmed Madiba had to be resuscitated, but were unable to describe exactly what prompted the dire situation.
CBS News reported yesterday that Mandela went into cardiac arrest, but that couldn’t be independently confirmed.
Cardiologists said yesterday that the elderly statesman and Nobel laureate could have died next to the road.
It is an indication of how serious his condition was – that in the early hours of the morning an emergency military ambulance was summoned from 1 Military Hospital in Pretoria to rush Mandela to hospital.
Mandela’s ambulance waited on the side of the road for between 40 and 45 minutes until a replacement ambulance arrived.
The second ambulance had to travel all the way from 1 Military Hospital in Pretoria to the scene of the breakdown.
When the allegations were first put to Maharaj, he was angry, saying that he had no comment.
But a couple of hours later, he issued a startling admission: it was true, Madiba’s ambulance had broken down due to “engine failure”.
Maharaj would not be drawn on why it took so long for a second ambulance to arrive and whether the fact that it wasn’t already on stand-by as backup was a violation of protocol.
Instead, he issued a formal statement saying “the fully equipped military ICU ambulance transporting former president Nelson Mandela . . . had a full complement of specialist medical staff, including intensive care specialists and ICU nurses.
“The convoy included two quick-response vehicles.”
Maharaj said that “when the ambulance experienced engine problems, it was decided that it would be best to transfer to another military ambulance, which itself was accompanied for the rest of the journey by a civilian ambulance”.
He is insistent that “all care was taken to ensure that former president Mandela’s medical condition was not compromised by the unforeseen incident”.
“The doctors attending are satisfied that the former president suffered no harm during this period.”
But cardiologist Dr David Janekelow disagrees that the delay did not impact on Mandela’s health.
“You want to get to emergency care as quickly as possible. If somebody had to be resuscitated and there is a delay in getting to hospital, that could have significant consequences.
“It is difficult to assess without a proper medical examination, but any delay is a cause for serious concern.”
Another cardiologist, Dr Richard Nethononda, agreed with Janekelow saying: “Mandela could have died on the roadside while waiting for another ambulance to arrive.”
He explained that health professionals know that the moments after a person has had a cardiac arrest (if that is indeed what Mandela suffered) are “golden minutes”.
“This means that anything can happen, because the person’s blood circulation and oxygen supply are very low and this could affect his liver, kidneys and the brain, leading to organ failure.”
Nethononda also criticised those who took the decision to drive Mandela all the way from Houghton to Pretoria, saying it was “very irresponsible” of them.
“Mandela is old and frail and that means his kidneys could be functioning at 50%. They should have done a risk assessment and rushed to the nearest hospital where he would have been stabilised and then transferred to the Pretoria hospital,” he explained.
Dr Jeff King, also a cardiologist, said: “If Mandela was still being manually resuscitated when the ambulance broke down, it would have had an impact on his health.
“But if he was stable, it wouldn’t have made a difference, because the ambulance and the staff would have been fully equipped to offer medical assistance while waiting for another ambulance to arrive.”
Pikkie Greeff, the secretary of the SA National Defence Union, yesterday said “the breakdown (of the ambulance) comes as no surprise as it is well-known that the SA National Defence Force does not have the technical staff to maintain its vehicles properly and many of the ambulances are over a decade old”.
He said that 1 Military Hospital does not even trust its own military ambulances, preferring to “outsource civilian vehicles to transport its patients to the military hospital”.
Greeff added: “We are paying the price for the arms deal, where billions of rands were spent on unnecessary weapons and vessels instead of spending it on support infrastructure.”
The former president had been battling a lung infection for a few days prior to his hospitalisation.
Mandela contracted TB while in jail in 1988 and back then had to be rushed to hospital where he went into surgery and had more than 2 litres of fluid removed from his lungs.
He wrote in his autobiography A Long Walk to Freedom that doctors said his condition was exacerbated by “his damp (prison) cell”.
Since then, his condition has dogged him – particularly in winter when temperatures plummet and germs are abundant.
Two weeks ago, his lung infection took a turn for the worse and affected Mandela’s breathing, to the extent that sources say he had to be resuscitated.
The South African presidency will not officially confirm or deny this, except to say that he is being treated for a lung infection.
Jankelow said that if a person goes into respiratory failure, this results in a “deprivation of oxygen, which could lead to a dangerous heart rhythm abnormality, resulting in the need for resuscitation.
“Cardiorespiratory failure leads to hypoxia – where tissues are deprived of oxygen and this affects the functioning of organs such as kidneys, liver and heart.”
Jankelow explained that this is different to a heart attack, where the cause is cardiac arrest, but both affect the ability of the heart to function and could result in a patient having to be resuscitated.
Maharaj has maintained for the past two weeks that Mandela is in a “serious but stable” condition.
President Jacob Zuma said, at one point, there were signs of improvement – a sentiment echoed by former president Thabo Mbeki in an interview with Power FM on Thursday.
Mandela’s children and grandchildren continued to visit him in hospital yesterday, with Machel leaving earlier in the morning.
The president’s wife has slept near her husband’s side every night since he’s been hospitalised.
Machel returned to the hospital after midday, followed by Madiba’s grandchildren in two cars, just before 1pm.
David Manaway, the husband of Madiba’s granddaughter Zaziwe Dlamini-Manaway, was seen driving in with a black Jeep Cherokee. Another car was filled with other grandchildren.
Just after 3pm, Mandela’s ex-wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, arrived with her daughter Zindzi.

Friday, June 14, 2013

Arms Deal: Yengeni's R6-million 'Kickback' Agreement

A raid on a German company has revealed a record of a deal signed by ANC heavyweight Tony Yengeni when he headed Parliament's defense committee.

Tony Yengeni has made a career out of hawking his connections. (David Harrison, M&G)

ANC luminary Tony Yengeni signed a R6-million bribe agreement with an arms bidder when he headed Parliament's joint standing committee on defense in 1995, ­German detectives have reported.
The detectives said that they found a copy of the agreement when they raided ThyssenKrupp, the German engineering conglomerate which led the consortium that sold four patrol corvettes to South Africa for R6.9-billion.
Yengeni, a struggle stalwart and member of the ANC's national executive committee, this week refused to confirm or deny the allegation. "I've got nothing to say on all you're ­saying," he said.
The latest allegation significantly adds to evidence that the main contracts in the controversial arms deal were tainted by corruption, contradicting a 2001 finding by the multi-agency joint investigation team that subcontracts, at most, were affected.
Bribery is grounds for cancelling the multibillion-rand contracts for trainer and fighter jets, corvettes, submarines and helicopters that the government entered into at the turn of the century.
The government, perhaps fearful of the international repercussions, has resisted such a conclusion. But Judge Willie Seriti's arms procurement commission, which starts public hearings in August, will face a barrage of new evidence to that effect.
The Mail & Guardian has previously revealed how British multinational BAE Systems, which supplied the jets, paid roughly R200-million to Fana Hlongwane, who was the late defence minister Joe Modise's adviser when the arms deal was negotiated.
It has also reported how Thyssen ­allegedly reached a $3-million (about R18-million then) bribe agreement with Chippy Shaik, then head of defence procurement.
Last month the Sunday Times alleged that BAE bankrolled the late Stella Sigcau's daughter when she studied in London. Sigcau, then public enterprises minister, served on the Cabinet subcommittee that made key arms procurement decisions.
The new allegations are unrelated to Yengeni's fraudulent cover-up of a discount he received on a luxury vehicle from another arms bidder, for which he was briefly jailed in 2006.
Raids and a find
German investigators raided ThyssenKrupp's Düsseldorf headquarters in 2006 after tax authorities became suspicious of payments made in the course of the South African arms deal.
AmaBhungane has seen correspondence in which detectives involved in the investigation discuss some of the evidence found.
Among the gems in the haul was an agreement allegedly signed by Yengeni and Christoph Hoenings, an executive of Thyssen Rheinstahl Technik, a ThyssenKrupp predecessor company.
Hoenings was a key protagonist in the Thyssen-led German Frigate Consortium's campaign to sell the corvettes to South Africa.

Allegedly concluded when Hoenings visited South Africa in September 1995, the agreement promised Yengeni 2.5-million deutschmark (R6-million then) on conclusion of the campaign to sell the corvettes to South Africa.
Hoenings, who has since left Thyssen, this week refused to comment, saying from Düsseldorf: "I do not speak to the press, please understand this, thank you."

Men of influence

Hoenings's online profile on business networking website Xing.com, however, is unabashed about his use of political connectivity to land contracts.
It says he offers "years of experience as a sales director for exports in shipbuilding/marine", "strong contacts with political parties and well-connected individuals in a number of developing and emerging countries", and "creativity in the development of marketing strategies for obtaining foreign government contracts".
The profile offers the "use of my personal network by interested third parties" – perhaps not unlike Yengeni, whose LinkedIn profile describes him as an "independent government relations professional".
During the South African corvette campaign, Hoenings worked closely with Tony Georgiadis, the London-based shipping magnate who made a seamless transition from supplying apartheid South Africa with embargo-busting crude oil to being best friends with the top echelons of former president Thabo Mbeki's ANC.
Georgiadis appears to have been brought aboard as an agent by the Germans after Christmas Eve 1994, when all seemed lost. That day, Armscor, the state arms procurement agency, had announced the shortlisting of shipyards from Spain and Britain to supply corvettes, eliminating bids from Germany, Denmark and France.
But Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president, travelled to Germany the next month, allegedly to reassure officials.
Hoenings himself was quoted in the Weekend Argus as saying that Mbeki had told him and the German foreign minister that "the race is still open to all contenders".
In May 1995, Cabinet put a hold on the corvette acquisition pending a "defence review", among other things to determine the ideal force design of the post-apartheid defence force.
The corvette tender process was started afresh in late 1997 as part of a comprehensive "strategic defence procurement" of jets, ships, ­submarines and helicopters.

Enter Yengeni

Yengeni was well placed to assist the Germans during this precarious time when the South Africans were reconsidering their needs.
In Parliament, he was ANC chief whip and chair of the joint standing committee on defence. He also later served on the defence review, held under the auspices of the department of defence.
Yengeni allegedly signed the agreement with Hoenings on September 11 1995. The German detectives' correspondence details some corroborating evidence.
Hoenings' travel claims, they said, showed him meeting Yengeni and Georgiadis in South Africa on the day the agreement was allegedly signed.
After his return to Germany, Hoenings entered a provision for the 2.5-million deutschmark in Thyssen Rheinstahl accounts.
At the time, foreign bribery was not illegal in Germany. It was, in fact, tax-deductible, meaning there was no need to disguise such actions internally.
The provision was removed when Thyssen Rheinstahl and Krupp merged two years later and investigators found no indication in the accounts that the money was paid.
The detectives thought it likely, however, that Yengeni ultimately received the money by indirect means.

Switzerland

Certainly, the contact continued as the defence review unfolded. Hoenings's travel claims specified another four sets of meetings in 1996 and 1997 involving him, Yengeni and Georgiadis.
One set of meetings was in Germany and two were in Switzerland the final one in Zurich in November 1997, two months after the corvette tender, ultimately won by the Germans, was reopened.
Also found, the detectives said, was a claim by Georgiadis for the air fare for Yengeni's first visit to Zurich. Georgiadis allegedly faxed Hoenings the travel agent's invoice, with the note: "The attached for your 'confidential' file (in case he [Yengeni] ever denies having come)."
Georgiadis said this week: "I really, really have no comment whatsoever to make on anything regarding that, okay … I know nothing about it [the bribe agreement]."
German authorities abandoned their investigation of Thyssen in 2008, apparently after reaching a tax settlement. They did not prosecute corruption, in part because it was difficult to prove that any of Thyssen's actions continued after foreign ­bribery was outlawed.
A ThyssenKrupp spokesperson said on Thursday: "The issues related to your request were duly investigated by German authorities. These investigations have been [settled] without any findings."

Full circle

In 2011 there was an outcry when it was discovered that then-defence minister Lindiwe Sisulu had appointed Yengeni to a committee to conduct a new defence review, despite his conviction for the luxury car cover up.
Sisulu insisted in parliamentary answers to the Democratic Alliance that Yengeni had "paid his dues by serving a prison sentence and was released from custody".
At a media briefing she said: "I chose him to be a member of the committee because of the role he played in the first review.
"He has the necessary background of how we've come to be where we are."

Commission seeks evidence from Germany

Judge Willie Seriti's arms procurement commission on Thursday confirmed it was aware of the allegedly explosive nature of the evidence found by German authorities and said it was trying to secure it.
Commission spokesperson William Baloyi said: "We are aware of the many statements from a variety of sources within South Africa to the effect that the German investigators have uncovered massive evidence implicating various people and entities in wrongdoing … We have been communicating with the German authorities to secure such evidence and are still awaiting their final response. Obviously the interactions with [them] are of a sensitive nature and we can therefore not comment further."
The commission will start public hearings in August.  

Tuesday, June 4, 2013

Two Days At The Arms Deal Inquiry

My First Two Days as an IFAISA Intern at the Seriti Commission.

The Arms Procurement Commission (APC) chaired by Judge Willie Seriti has been dogged by scandal in the last few months. The first two days that I spent at the APC were no different.

As an intern with the Institute for Accountability in Southern Africa (IFAISA), I was engaged to assist with noted activist Terry Crawford-Browne's testimony preparation. He was scheduled to give evidence to the APC on March 11th. It is through his work over many years that the APC has come to fruition: a never-ending determination to see the most controversial weapons deals in our (democratic) history thoroughly investigated. Considering that they cost this country an estimated R70 billion and have been discredited as illegal, unconstitutional and tainted by fraud, it is no wonder that Terry, an ex-banker, who organised banking sanctions against the Apartheid state, decided to take a stand.

I was briefed to go the APC premises so that I could inspect some of the documents that Terry had been offered inspection of by the APC and in respect of some of which he had won a High Court discovery order years ago. The International Offers Negotiating Team (IONT) documents are the inside working of the government's team that dealt with arms suppliers and ensure that South Africa received the best return for its investment. Considering that Terry and so many other high profile opponents of the deal (including Archbishop Tutu, Raenette Taljaard and Patricia de Lille to name a few) have accused the government of not fulfilling this basic mandate: the documents are crucial to establishing the truth.

And possibly, therein lies the problem.

On Monday, February 25th 2013 I was welcomed to the APC with open arms. I was shown the most gracious hospitality and had tea, water and general good spirit served to me in abundance. Even my meeting with Advocate Fanyana Mdumbe, the seasoned head of the APC's legal research team, went relatively smoothly. Considering what was written of him in Attorney Moabi's resignation letter, I expected our interactions to be bruising (Mr Moabi was a senior investigator with the APC and resigned accusing Fanyana and Judge Seriti himself of following a second agenda).

Consider this: a recently graduated LLB student from a 'troublesome' campaigner's legal team going up against an experienced advocate who was at the APC on secondment for the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development where he is the Principal State Law Advisor.

I expected to barely make it out of the meeting alive. But I was pleasantly proved wrong.

Mdumbe was most gracious and instructed the APC document managing team to bring me the first two of 9 lever arch files groaning under the weight of the IONT correspondence they contained. I was occasionally checked on and offered more tea. I spent the day reading through the documents noting what may have been of interest to our witness.

But when I returned the next morning, the same Fanyana must have been replaced with his slightly less accommodating doppelganger.

After initially bringing all 9 files to me, two hours after pouring over the close type-script, Mdumbe burst into the room and summarily informed me that I would not be allowed to read the documents anymore. My shocked expression was given a glib explanation: a decision had been made to limit access based on security concerns and that if anything changed it would be communicated to us in time.

Mdumbe was unmoving and indeed when I was joined at noon by my leader, Paul Hoffman SC and Terry himself, we made no headway. It seemed Mdumbe didn't want a fight for our legitimate access to the documents: we were told he had gone to Cape Town.

A few frustrating hours were spent submitting to Judge Seriti - through intermediaries as he refused to see us himself - that the APC was gravely mistaken:

First, Terry obtained a High Court order as far back as 2003 compelling the government (Trevor Manuel and Maria Ramos opposed him unsuccessfully) to allow him access to the documents. This was granted by the court without a need for a confidentiality agreement to be signed. Thus the documents in question could not be that sensitive or Terry would not have been given discovery. Any justification based on the documents being classified does not stand. The court order ought to have been persuasive.

Without getting into the detail of that, Terry's court order was ignored but the self-same documents were made available to the Commission 10 years later. Why the APC attempted to disallow access to the man who sought out the IONT documents in the first place and who needs them for his testimony - which he was invited to inspect by the APC itself - to aid it in its work is bizarre.

Second, and in any event, the APC's own summons of Terry invited him to come and inspect relevant documents to his testimony. As his legal team, that right extends to us too. It is quite baffling that the APC would allow access to documents, facilitate the entire legal team coming to the APC itself at taxpayers' expense to inspect the documents, only to be turned away and told that we could not inspect any longer. Especially when these documents are essential to the testimony that needs to be given.

It is regrettable that only after a threat of urgent legal action was made did Judge Seriti accede to our reasonable requests to be allowed to do what we had been invited to do. This bizarre treatment of Terry, a man who should be thanked for committing his life and all of his own resources to getting to the bottom of the Arms Deals, tends to add credence to Moabi's complaints.

If the APC wishes to inspire confidence in itself, it must not take a hostile attitude towards witnesses and their legal teams. If anything, it should do everything that it can to assist Terry and the other witnesses in the giving of their testimony so that the truth can emerge. The APC is not in place to protect the government: it is in place for reasons of accountability and transparency. Judge Seriti must ensure that the APC is beyond reproach, that it respects the Constitution and it gives real meaning to the mission that it has been accorded. Anything but is a travesty of justice.

As I wrote this, we received confirmation that the APC hearings would be delayed to resume in August. Despite having 17 months to get their house in order, the APC is going to be delayed. Something about 'justice delayed being justice denied' comes to mind.

I am hopeful that this is not the case. Based on a preliminary examination of over 8000 pages which constitute the single IONT document bundle, it cannot be doubted that there are mountains of evidence that need to properly examined in order to uncover the truth. It is thus commendable that the APC has chosen to keep its evidence leaders working hard and is committed to ensuring that the Arms Deal is fully investigated. No matter how long it takes and no matter how hard it may be, the APC must stay the course and use the opportunity it has to restore the faith in public discourse that South Africans have hitherto lost.

This delay gives the APC the opportunity to summons the ANC, its financial records of donations and its internal discussion documents, post-Polokwane, on the arms deals will go some way to doing that. The government too should not pass up the opportunity to come clean or in the alternative, show that it does believe in being transparent, accountable and subscribing to the rule of law in the words of the APC's motto. 

Kameel Premhid holds a BA and LLB from UKZN and was recently awarded the KZN Rhodes Scholarship. He is based at the Institute for Accountability in Southern Africa for a few months before heading to Oxford later this year. Follow Kameel on twitter: @kameelpremhid

Kameel Premhid
04 March 2013

http://www.ifaisa.org/Two_days_at_the_arms_deal_inquiry.html

Monday, April 15, 2013

Arms Deal


The navy in Simon's Town boasts four of the [most?] sophisticated corvette *1 warships in the world, bought for a cool R6 billion *2. South Africa's 28 Swedish Gripen JAS-39 fighter planes costing R12 billion are still on their way. Then there are the other fighter jets, helicopters, submarines …
The hardware is all part of the controversial arms programme announced five years ago *3, the biggest in the history of our defence force. At the time South Africa signed away R30 billion for arms but by the time the debt is paid off in 2020 interest and inflation will have pushed the total bill closer to R100 billion, experts say.
An order for eight to 14 Airbus A-400M cargo carriers with a combined price tag of up to R14 million (sic - billion) has also been approved.
The defence force is spending like there's no tomorrow. But people are posing the question : does South Africa really need all this weaponry?
What about poverty? The need for schools, houses, new roads, medical care? Wouldn't it have been better to invest the money in communities?
YOU investigated what the arms deal entails and what we could have bought instead with the money. We also asked the experts for their take on our expensive shopping spree.
Of course we need arms :
We have to be prepared even though we're not at war or under threat, insists military expert Helmoed Romer-Heitman of the authoritative publication Jane's Defence Weekly.
"Most wars erupt within seconds, without warning. Arms and expertise can't be obtained overnight. A balanced defence force is like insurance … and takes years to put into place.
"You don't know when or from which quarter to expect an attack. Your opponent is unknown and you have to be prepared with everything from tanks to canons (sic - cannons) and fighter planes to submarines."
Contrary to popular opinion, Helmoed reckons we've acquired too little weaponry - especially as the country will increasingly be involved in peace operations in Africa".
Arms are also handy in times of peace, he says. Submarines are used to target smugglers in our coastal waters, while corvettes can be used in maritime disasters. *4
Asked who'd want to attack South Africa, political expert Leopold Scholtz says : "No one - but given the unstable nature of international politics you never know what wider conflict South Africa may be dragged into.
"Remember also, two thirds of our gross national product is generated by international trade and 90 per cent of our products are transported by sea. Which means we must be prepared to defend ourselves against foreigners who want to disrupt the maritime artery."
An additional advantage of the arms contract is the assurance of reciprocal trade the suppliers of the weaponry have given us as part of the deal.
They have promised to invest R110 billion in the country's economy within seven years, creating 65 000 jobs.
Arms are a waste of money :
Our biggest threat is not war but poverty and unemployment, says Terry Crawford-Browne, chairman of the SA branch of Economist Allied for Arms Reduction.
"Who's going to invade us? Not forces from Africa. And if it's a superpower such as America we don't stand a chance, even with all the new arms," he says. And look what good America's military might did during the 9/11 attack …
"A country's security depends much more on the health of its economy and people than on its military might," he says. Take Costa Rica, for instance, where the defence force tried to stage a coup but failed. In 1949 the country disbanded its defence force and since then Costa Rica has been a prosperous democracy for more than 50 years.
Its police force protects its borders and money that would have been earmarked for the military now pays for hospitals and education.
"Research shows world poverty can be eradicated in just 10 years with just a quarter of the money spent on defence," Terry says.
"We don't need arms to defend our fishing resources either," he adds.
Over the past six years hardly any of the promised reciprocal investments have materialised.
The German submarine suppliers started a steel project in the Eastern Cape which was supposed to have created 16 000 jobs. It was cancelled after three months.
Then a condom factory was built. It closed down after two weeks.
Meanwhile the Swedish suppliers of our aircraft were last week accused of failing to stick to the promises they'd made to South Africa. They promised investments to the tune of R67 billion. Twenty-one of the 26 promised projects have come to naught."
What we bought - and could have bought instead :
4 Corvettes (R6 billion *2)
These highly sophisticated vessels (delivered and fitted with weapons systems in Simon's Town) plays a reconnaissance and interception role. Helmoed reckons we need at least six. Because of its economic power South Africa will increasingly have to become involved in operations elsewhere in Africa, including peace operations, he says. We have not only to protect our own waters but also to fulfil our international obligations.
With R6 billion builders could replace 250 000 shacks (a quarter of the estimated one million informal homes countrywide) with RDP houses. According to the department of housing this would provide jobs for about 90 000 people in the building industry and 86 000 people in the building supplies industry.
3 German Submarines (R4,5 billion *5)
These modern conventional submarines replace the navy's Daphnes which were decommissioned at the end of 2003. The T209s are not in the same league as those of Britain, France or America but Helmoed believes they're a good buy and have a longer reach than the Daphnes. They were designed specifically for coastal patrols, protecting naval bases and anti-ship and anti-submarine warfare.
With R4,5 billion we could provide free education to all the kids of South Africa, which is what happens in countries such as Brazil and Argentina. Inadequate training is one of the cardinal contributing factors to our unemployment figure of 42 per cent.
28 Swedish Gripen Fighter Planes (About R15 billion *4) (These are expected to be delivered in 2008. *6)
Gripens can be used in peace operations mainly for reconnaissance *7 and as a deterrent. During SA's peacekeeping operations in Burundi, for example, where our troops were involved in skirmishes with rebel forces a few support Gripens could have been deployed from the Makhado (formerly Louis Trichard) air force base. The planes could have been necessary to use any other arms to deter the enemy.
The Gripens were ordered the same year Cheetah jet fighters became operational. The 50 Cheetahs' life expectancy was until 2012 but could be stretched to 2022 *9. According to an original report from the auditor-general a special government task team recommended the purchase of the 28 new Gripens be delayed because we had the Cheetahs and the air force had only nine pilots who could fly Gripens. The purchase was contrary to the advice of air force officials who said the Gripens would be superfluous, their price tag was too high, they hadn't been tested and were totally unsuitable to our conditions. At the time the late Joe Modise, then minister of defence, said they should leave the decision regarding the purchase to the politicians.
R15 billion could buy enough antiretrovirals for 30 years for all 400 000 HIV-positive South Africans. Every day about 1 300 people die of Aids and it's predicted by 2010 we would have lost close to six million people to the virus. Currently only 65 000 infected people have access to antiretrovirals and the government supplies only 20 000 of them with the medication because there isn't enough money for a comprehensive service.
24 Hawk Training Planes (R2,5 billion *10)
The official delivery date for these is mid-2005 to mid-2006. This aircraft will be used for training prospective Gripen pilots. It can even be used as an attack aircraft in situations where resistance is not too heavy.
The money could have been used to employ another 2500 policemen and policewomen over the next 10 years.
30 Augusta Helicopters (R2,5 billion)
The Augusta helicopter *11 is equipped with modern technology to fly in moonless and poor weather conditions. The air force can use it for emergency and rescue operations. These helicopters replace the light Alouette III helicopters.
With R2,5 billion we could provide healthcare to the poor in remote areas. We would be able to pay 1 700 doctors to work in rural clinics for 10 years.
4 Augusta Westland Super Lynx 300 Helicopters (R1,1 million (sic - billion))
These helicopters are for use on the four corvettes. They're the "eyes" without which the corvettes are useless *13. They replace the existing Oryx helicopters which are unsuitable for use on a moving ship.
Ammunition and teargas plants at Swartklip between Mitchell's Plain and Khayelitsha in Cape Town poison the air and have serious health implications for residents of the area, says Terry Crawford-Browne. Many Swartklip workers have lost hands, legs, their sight and/or hearing and have suffered brain damage. Others develop cardiac disease, arthritis and cancer. They are boarded, paid R1 000 compensation and then told to pay their own medical expenses. This pollution problem with its tragic consequences could be alleviated with R1,1 million.
8 to 14 Airbus A-400M Cargo Planes (R8-R14 billion)
The Airbus A-400M cargo planes replace the air force's nine Hercules C130 planes. They'll enable the air force to transport staff, resources and equipment as part of peace operations. Over the past three years South Africa has had to spend more than R100 million on outsourcing *14 these functions to private contractors.
With R8 billion to R14 billion the government could rehouse the country's estimated one million street kids in, for instance, self-catering communes where their physical, emotional and educational needs could be met for six months to a year. They could be absorbed into school so they'd eventually become productive members of society, says Linzee Thomas of Cape Town who works with street kids full time.
With acknowledgements to Carol Coetzee and the YOU magazine.
*1 Actually, frigate.
*2 Actually, R6,873 billion in 1998 Rands - just R872 million higher than the budget authorised by cabinet in September 1999 and announced on 1998-11-18.
*3 Actually, 1998-11-18.
*4 They can - theoretically, but at the most ridiculous cost-benefit ratio ever devised in the history of mankind.
It's cheaper to acquire specialised fisheries and coast guard patrol craft, such as the four brand-new fisheries patrol craft just acquired by the Department of Environmental Affairs.
*5 Actually, R5,531 billion in 1998 Rands
*6 Actually, R15,916 billion in 1998 Rands - both the Gripen and Hawk - about R11 billion for the Gripen and R5 billion for the Hawk.
*7 They can - theoretically, but at the second-most ridiculous cost-benefit ratio ever devised in the history of mankind.
*8 The first in 2008, the last in 2015.
*9 At least until 2017.
*10 Actually, about R5 billion in 1998 Rands.
*11 The Agusta helicopter is a light utility helicopter - unarmoured and very lightly armed (capable of carrying a brigadier a colonel, a lieutenant-colonel and their bellies), also great for quickly getting peacekeeping SANDF colonels to the local Congolese whorehouse *12 when a special is running.
It's a pity for traceability and transparency that the 1997 Force Design resulting from the 1995-1997 Defence Review identified a requirement for medium lift helicopters (armoured and armed and capable of carrying a stick [10 -12] of troops with their full gear).

*12 See : "5 SAI doesn't want sex scandal colonel back" 

The Natal Witness
16 March 2005 


One of the allegedly incriminating photographs of colonel Victor White in a DRC nightclub
PHOTOGRAPHER: BEELD


See "A crashing good cup of coffee"
The Natal Witness
18 March 2005







*13 Indeed, but more importantly the then cost of some R900 million was included in the Cabinet first approved R29 billion Arms Deal budget, but were dropped to account for the sudden and mysterious R872 million increase in the cost of the corvette, of which R699 million can be directly attributed to the selection of Schabir Shaikh, Chippy Shaikh and partners' combat suite.
*14 Sounds like a deal. At R33,3 million per year, this goes into R14 billion 420 times, i.e. for 420 years, and that's not even including the running costs which are sure to be at least R140 million per year (at just 1% of acquisition cost), maybe more, maybe alot more.
My Opinion (for what it's worth)
a. Light utility helicopters are always required by and are useful to a defence force, but there should be a formally identified need.
b. A squadron of light frigates (4 to 6) was required and was formally identified as such by the SA Navy, but we should have acquired 4 Spanish frigates at R3,3 billion with the specified combat suite at R1,9 billion (all 1998 Rands) (R5,2 billion in total).
c. A frigate without a maritime helicopter is like a blind person in rush-hour traffic with a guide dog.
d. The SAAF needed to replace the Impala jet trainers at some time, but still needed to finalise their training regime, but in any case should have acquired the Impala's younger brother the Italian MB339 and half the price of the ageing Hawk.
e. The biggest scandal is the acquisition of the Gripen as the SAAF's replacement of the Cheetah Cs and Es as light fighter aircraft. The SAAF had just taken the 38 Cheetah Cs into service in 1997 and there was no need to even consider theire replacement until 2007 at the earliest.
f. Coastal submarines make a small navy potentially militarily potent, but not if one cannot afford to man them, maintain them and put two out of three of them to patrol duties at any one time. If one cannot do this, then they actually cripple a navy and not enhances its effectiveness.
It would have been a pity to lose the country's subsurface capability - but was there not another way apart from making Joe Modise and the Sons of the Earth very wealthy in their lifetimes?
g. The SAAF's 12 C-130 Hercules have just been upgraded at a cost of many billions by Marshalls Aerospace, Thales (yes, them again) and Denel Aviation (yes, them again). It just cannot be that we need to throw them out and buy a clutch of EADS (remember them of Wa Benzi infamy) A400s.
Watch this space - if we do discard the C-130s, just see who'll be waiting to buy them from Armscor a bargain price.
Just like with the C-160 Transalls, where there were Ron Haywood, Joe Modise and their own financiers thrusting their snouts into the trough.

http://www.armsdeal-vpo.co.za/articles07/war_machine.html