Uproar over Malema’s ‘R16m palace’

July 17 2011

The South African Revenue Service will be asked this week to perform a full forensic audit into the wealth of ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema amid reports that the controversial politician is building a R16 million mansion in a plush Joburg suburb.

Malema’s modern house is being built on the site of the R3.6m house he bought in 2009 and is a stone’s throw from the “poor” Alexandra residents he previously warned would attack “rich” Sandown residents in his neighbourhood.

The politician, who portrays himself as a champion of the poor, has levelled the Sandown house and is building a multi-storey R16m mansion in its place.

“It will be modern, very modern,” an insider told Weekend Argus.

“It has a saferoom underground – in case he is attacked – garages underground, a ground floor and a first floor which can also be used as a viewing platform, a party deck. You will be able to look out over the swimming pool,” the insider said.

Malema and his spokesman Floyd Shivambu refused to comment on the house.

Shivambu said: “Go ahead and write what you want. We are not going to comment.”

The new building in Silvela Road, Sandown Estate, will have an area of about 917 square metres.

It is in a quiet, leafy area, surrounded by multi-storey homes hidden behind high walls topped with electric fencing.

The DA’s spokeswoman on Police, Diane Kohler Barnard said: “I can’t for the life of me understand how someone can build a R16m house on an income of about R25 000 a month, which possibly isn’t even enough to get him a home loan. So where is this money coming from? I will be asking for a full audit into his finances.”

Kohler Barnard said Sars should look into Malema. “It’s beyond curious how a person with no education and with a small job for a branch of a political organisation can afford to build a R16m home.

“The country has been talking about lifestyle audits, but this seems to be on the backburner. The ANC needs to resurrect their own idea and do lifestyle audits. Malema should be the first person they start on,” she said.

Kohler-Barnard also expressed concern that Malema’s house would have a safehouse.

“If it is true that he is building this underground bombshelter or safehouse, it makes me wonder what he knows about the future of this country that I don’t. It doesn’t show much confidence in a future in a South Africa that is peaceful, violence-free and safe,” she said.

DA caucus leader in Joburg, Musi Maimane, said Malema’s building of the house brought into question how much money he was making and its source.

“Julius Malema is an individual and, like any other individual, he can build whatever house he wants to. My problem is that Malema has continuously said that he lives off an ANC Youth League salary. If this is what a person earns in the Youth League, then perhaps I should apply for a job. It is unclear what his financial backing is. This is something for the taxman to look into,” he said.

On Malema’s site a large sign asks visitors to report to the site office and on Friday about 20 labourers were working.

The perimeter wall remains intact. Inside, several piles of sand were being transported away by trucks, aided by a man driving an earth lifter. The sand had come from a hole about two storeys deep, and in which the saferoom and garages would be built. The outer wall is expected to be about a foot thick. “The saferoom is going to be like a bunker. It is going to be so luxurious. If trouble comes he can run downstairs and hide there and no-one will be the wiser,” said the insider.

The site foreman politely refused to speak to Weekend Argus, stating that the architect and engineer had asked that no-one discuss the project.

“We were all told yesterday, reminded yesterday again, that we are not allowed to discuss Mr Malema’s house,” said a contractor.

A worker confirmed that the property belonged to Malema and mentioned in passing that a “Sold” sign had been erected outside the property for a few days earlier this year “to keep the media away”.

A property ownership inquiry showed that the 1 513m2 property was sold to Julius Sello Malema on August 1, 2009 at a cost of R3.6m.

The Deeds Office had earlier confirmed that this was one of two properties Malema owned. The other is a house he bought near Polokwane in 2007 for R1m in cash.

Malema had lived in the old Sandown Estates house for about two years, and had only had one “bad party”. It was Malema’s house-warming party in September 2009, when a police reservist had gone to investigate after neighbours complained about the noise and mess.

On Friday, residents said Malema was a “quiet neighbour”, with one adding “probably because he is never there”.

Last week a newspaper quoted an anonymous neighbour as saying they were “horrified” that Malema had demolished a perfectly beautiful house after big renovations.

An insider said Malema’s new house would cost R16m, but the price could increase to R20m.

It was the interior fitments – tiles, taps, brass fittings and other luxury items – that could add to the expense.

It remained unclear whether anyone other than those involved directly in the project, including Malema who was believed to have attended two or three project meetings, had seen the plans.

Only three or four people are believed to have access to the plans – the architect, the engineer and Kwadisa Construction staff. Another set of approved plans, which should be available for public scrutiny, is believed to be under lock and key at the Johannesburg planning division’s offices. A city council spokesman said the city planning division was investigating the matter.

“They are searching for the file to see what is going on,” said Nthatise Modingoane, City of Johannesburg spokesman.

It remained unclear who had approved the destruction of the old house as no-one would comment on the matter.

Malema, who had reportedly earned tens of millions of rands through tenders to companies he has shares in, was earlier cleared by the ANC of wrongdoing. In February 2010 the ANC said Malema had not breached any law or code of ethics by being involved in business.

This was in response to reports suggesting businesses linked to Malema had received government contracts in Limpopo of up to R140m.

Malema previously stated that he earns a R20 000-a-month salary from the ANCYL.

Last month Malema addressed a Youth Day rally where he warned that rich South Africans faced attack from the poor. And, addressing the South African Union of Jewish Students in Cape Town he said: “Those of you who are rich, you are the ones who must be scared of this poverty… We are telling you what is the reality, our people are going to rise against us.

“Those (of you) who are in Sandton, those who are in Alexandra are about to rise against you. And therefore you must be the ones who are in the forefront to liberate these people from poverty.”

An economist said yesterday a person applying for a bond of R16m would have to earn at least R500 000 a month toqualify for a loan without collateral. At the present prime interest rate of 10 percent, the monthly repayments on the loan over 20 years would be about R160 000 a month.

Said the insider: “He has definitely over-invested. He will never be able to re-sell this place.”

An alleged benefactor is controversial Polokwane businessman Mohammed Dada, owner of Dada’s World of Hardware. He accompanied Malema on his recent trip to Italy with other Malema allies. Malema is believed to have flown to the Durban July in Dada’s private plane.

The DA continues to wait for answers from the Limpopo government regarding the state-sponsored trip to Italy, led by Malema’s friend, premier Cassel Mathale. Malema went to Italy with the delegation.

“Reports that the recent trip to Italy has not yielded any concrete indication for investment other than a memorandum of understanding comes as no surprise,” said DA Limpopo leader Desiree van der Walt.

http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/uproar-over-malema-s-r16m-palace-1.1100390

20 Reasons Why South Africa is Great!

You can eat half dried meat and not be considered disgusting.

Nothing is your fault; you can blame it all on apartheid.

You get to buy a new car ever 3 months and the insurance company even pays for it.

You can experience pathetic service in eleven official languages.

Where else can you get oranges with 45% alcohol content at rugby matches?

It’s the only country in the world where striking workers show how angry they are by dancing.

You’re considered clumsy if you cannot use a cell phone (without car kit), change CDs, rink a beer, put on make-up, read the newspaper and smoke all at the same time while driving a car at 160 kph in a 60 kph zone.

Great accent!!

If you live in Johannesburg, you get to brag about living in the most dangerous city in the world.

Burglar bars become a feature and a great selling point for your house.

You can decorate your garden walls with barbed wire.

The tow-trucks are the first on the scene for most major crimes, without being called. The police you have to call about three times.

Votes have to be recounted until the right party wins.

Illegal immigrants leave the country because the crime rate is too high.

The police ask you if they must follow up on the burglary you’ve just reported.

A murderer gets a 6 month sentence and a pirate TV viewer 2 years.
The prisoners strike and get to vote in elections!

The police stations have panic buttons to call armed response when they are burgled.

Police cars are fitted with immobilizers and gear locks!

Condoms are free – shopping plastic bags are for sale.



Eutopia

South Africa After Mandela

Jul 18 2011

The country is struggling economically and politically, but its first post-apartheid president, 93 today, may have given it the tools to find greatness

Today is Nelson Mandela's 93rd birthday, and South Africa is throwing him a big party.

Among other things, 12.5 million South African children will sing him "happy birthday" at exactly the same moment at 8:05 a.m.Mandela's birthday is a fitting occasion to celebrate, but also reflect both on his personal achievements and on the future of the country of which he is truly the father: a democratic and "nonracial" South Africa.

Of course, he alone did not create the new South Africa: final apartheid-era State President F.W. de Klerk, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, trade union leader Cyril Ramaphosa, and former President Thabo Mbeki all immediately come to mind. But, absent Mandela's unifying leadership and vision, it is hard to imagine today's South Africa would have emerged, with its regular, credible elections, and a political culture bound by human rights and the rule of law.

Mandela's vision for his country, which reflects his great strength of character, is based on the inherent dignity of men and women of all races. His courage shares similarities with that of Abraham Lincoln during the American civil war. His inclusiveness toward the Afrikaners that jailed him for 27 years shows an extraordinary generosity of spirit that recalls Martin Luther King. And his dogged determination and high political skills remind us of Winston Churchill in Britain's finest hour. Perhaps above all, Mandela illustrates the crucial role of individual leadership in state-building. And, like Lincoln, Churchill, and King, Mandela has been remarkably successful in securing the support of his fellow citizens for his vision -- in Mandela's case, a "non-racial" democracy.

Sometimes nations are blessed (or lucky) with their founding fathers, as we Americans were. But truly outstanding leadership is rare. Western observers and friends of Africa like to anoint heroes: Nigeria's Olusegun Obasanjo, Congo's Mobutu Sese Seko, Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, and Rwanda's Paul Kagame have had that role thrust upon them at some point during their careers. Yet such leaders too often fail their countries, proving to be undemocratic, corrupt, and, at times, violent. Many cling to power. The Mo Ibrahim Prize for an African head of state who voluntarily steps down from office has gone unawarded for the past two years for want of a credible candidate. In contrast, Mandela voluntarily left his country's highest office after a single term, an example of democratic leadership that the Mo Ibrahim Foundation recognized when it designated him as Honorary Laureate in 2007.

Nelson Mandela's South Africa is a genuine African success story. Only a generation ago, civil war seemed nearly inevitable, with a radically segregated multi-racial population, a history of slavery, and an economy organized by a particularly rapacious form of capitalism. But its transition to non-racial democracy helped bring the rule of law and the protection of human rights by an independent judiciary, both near-exclusive to whites before 1994, to all South Africans.

Looking forward, can the democratic culture and institutions that owe so much to Nelson Mandela continue to flourish when the economic development of its largest racial community continues to lag so far behind? South Africa has not opened its economic system as much as it has its politics. As a result, its vaunted economy has failed to meet the human needs of too many of its people. More than a quarter of its total population is unemployed in the formal economy. Since the end of apartheid, the country has moved from having one of the poorest distributions of income in the international community to having the absolute worst, according to some South African observers.

The white minority, now only about 10 percent of the population, remains the overwhelming beneficiary of the South African economy, followed by the 'Indians' (persons originally of south Asian origin). It is no surprise that members of Mandela's ruling African National Congress (ANC), which has an overwhelmingly black African constituency, are making renewed calls for change, even at the expense of the rule of law and the constitutional protections that, to some, merely entrench white privilege.
Post-apartheid South Africa rapidly reintegrated itself into the world economy under the leadership of Mandela and subsequently the Mbeki and Jacob Zuma governments. But it largely left in place the national economy inherited from the apartheid state, which did not grow fast enough to meet the needs of the country's rapidly expanding population. Economic activity, while diversified, continues to be dominated by large, white-controlled corporations, despite various "black empowerment" schemes that have enriched a small number of the well-connected. Critics deride it as a new form of 'crony capitalism.' Land tenure is another issue that has witnessed little progress since the end of apartheid. While there has been some reform, the present land tenure system still reflects the 1913 legislation that set aside 87 percent of the country's land area for whites.

There are more problems with the potential to inhibit necessary economic development and fuel majority discontent. Two of the biggest are the political failure to improve education for the black population and the two-tiered, apartheid-era health system, which is struggling against a profound HIV/AIDS crisis.

Exacerbating these challenges is the gradual transformation of South Africa into a one-party state dominated by Mandela's African National Congress (ANC), too often the venue of vicious political infighting. ANC youth leader Julius Malema indulges openly in anti-white rhetoric, such as his public singing of the apartheid-era "Kill the settler, kill the Boer," -- and exploits public frustration with such unresolved issues as land reform to advance his personal agenda. While he has little impact on economic policy, he sours the political atmosphere.

Internationally, presidents Mbeki and Zuma have disappointed in their lack of leadership on issues such as Robert Mugabe and the destruction of Zimbabwe, which in turn has resulted in massive refugee flows into South Africa and subsequent bouts of violent xenophobia spurred by intense competition for jobs.

South Africa's politics and economy also show flexibility and adaptability. Politics remain open, public debates are on meaningful issues, and politicians are responsive to the electorate. Leadership at the highest levels is not a closed caste, as Mbeki's ouster from the ANC party leadership and the presidency shows. The Democratic Alliance, once a largely white party, may have the capacity to develop into a multi-racial alternative to the ANC. And the ANC itself may also split between its left and right wings. The security services remain under civilian control and do not act independently. The University of South Africa is probably the largest "open" university in the world, with sophisticated approaches to distance learning with the potential to reach greater numbers. New post-Mbeki government-sponsored health programs may have slowed the spread of HIV/AIDS, and the debate over the future of land reform continues, though it is progressively less civil.

South Africa is all but unique in sub-Sahara Africa. Its political institutions are generations old and have spread from a privileged white minority to encompass the entire population. It is the strength of those democratic institutions, so fostered and supported by Nelson Mandela, that make it possible to be optimistic about South Africa's future.

http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/07/south-africa-after-mandela/242021/

Magnus Malan

2011-07-18

Former apartheid defence minister Magnus Malan died at the age of 81 on Monday morning, his family said.

"General Magnus Malan died peacefully early this morning at home. He leaves his wife of 49 years behind, as well as three children and nine grandchildren," his family said in a statement.

It was not clear how he died.

Malan served as minister of defence from 1980 to 1991, an appointment that followed a long military career - stretching back to the 1950s - in the SA Defence Force. There, he rose through the ranks and was appointed chief of the defence force in 1976.

Malan built up a reputation as a highly competent strategist, and became one of the leading exponents of the "total onslaught" theory.

Early years

He was born on January 30, 1930 in Pretoria, the son of Avril Ire de Merindol, a professor of biochemistry and later an MP and Speaker of the House of Assembly, and Elizabeth Frederika Malan.

After attending the Afrikaans High School in Pretoria, he matriculated at Dr Danie Craven's Physical Education Brigade in Kimberley in 1948.

He was inspired to join the military, but his father, an academic, advised him to further his education. In 1949 he registered at the University of Stellenbosch for a BCom degree.

At the end of that year, the first military degree course for officers was advertised and Malan joined the Permanent Force as a cadet, going on to complete his BSc Mil at the University of Pretoria in 1953.

He was commissioned in the Navy and served in the Marines based on Robben Island. When they were disbanded, he was transferred back into the Army as a lieutenant.

During Malan's military career, he completed 11 courses, including the regular command and general staff officers' course in the United States during 1962/63.

After several command posts, he became chief of the SA Army in 1973, and Chief of the SA Defence Force in 1976.

Cabinet appointment

In 1980, he was appointed to the Cabinet of PW Botha as minister of defence. The following year he was elected National Party MP for Modderfontein.

Malan also rose within National Party ranks, being elected to the Transvaal NP's executive committee in 1981, and rising to become one of the party's vice-chairpersons in that province.

In 1991, he became chairperson of the Ministers' Council in the House of Assembly.

Malan's public statements as chief of the SADF dealt mainly with the alleged "total onslaught" against South Africa and the need to develop a "total national strategy" to counteract it at all levels.

He also believed that the answer to South Africa's problems was ultimately political, not military, in nature.

During Malan's term as minister of defence, troops were used in the control of unrest in townships.

In 1986, following the introduction of a national state of emergency, he argued that political rights were not a relevant concern among the black masses.

In 1987, Malan admitted for the first time that South African troops were supporting Unita in Angola, and were also in that country to counter Swapo and the ANC.

Namibia talks

In 1988, he and then minister of foreign affairs, Pik Botha, participated in talks on South West Africa (SWA) and Angola on the Cape Verde Islands, and in Brazzaville and Cairo, where they met Angolan representatives.

The talks eventually led to a settlement in both countries, with SWA becoming the independent Namibia under a Swapo government in 1990.

Malan was awarded the following military decorations: Star of South Africa (1975); Southern Cross Decoration (1977); Pro Patria Medal with Cunene Clasp (1977).

During 1990, his position as minister of defence came under threat following public revelations about SADF death squads operating against civilians.

On February 3, 1993, Malan retired from politics after 12 years in Parliament.

Malan married Margot van der Walt in 1962. The couple had two sons and a daughter.

http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Magnus-Malans-career-20110718
 

6 arrested for 'renaming' Mandela Drive

2011-07-18

Six men have been arrested for allegedly using stickers to rename Nelson Mandela Drive to Clive Derby-Lewis Street on directional boards in Pretoria, police said on Monday.
Lieutenant Colonel Tshisikhawe Ndou said the six white men were caught on CCTV cameras along Nelson Mandela Drive in Sunnyside on Sunday night.

"white men". Funny how when someone white is murdered out of racism eg ET or any of the unfortunate farmers,"black" is never mentioned. Is that because we assume that all blacks commit crime or is it because blacks can't be racist? Hmmmm

"The police rushed to the scene and arrested the six who were found with several replacement stickers. They were immediately arrested and taken to Sunnyside police station."

What amazes me is the fast reaction of the cops. Where is this efficiency when people are being killed, raped and robbed?

They refused to explain their actions to police.

The men, aged between 25 and 38, were charged with malicious damage to property and expected to appear in the Pretoria Magistrate's Court on Tuesday. Ndou said they had not been linked to any right-wing movements.

In most countries this would be viewed as a prank, and the perpetrators would have been let off with a warning.....

Derby-Lewis, a former Conservative Party politician, is serving a life sentence for his role in the assassination of SA Communist Party secretary general Chris Hani.

Hani was assassinated on April 10 1993 outside his home in Dawn Park, Boksburg.

Using a gun provided by Derby-Lewis, Polish far-right immigrant Janusz Walus shot him in the head as he stepped out of his car.

We cant catch rapists, murderers, robbers, hijackers, fraudsters, taxi drivers, corrupt government officials, but man don't ever ever cause malicious damage to property. Cos you in jail before the sticker glue is dry

http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/6-arrested-for-renaming-Mandela-Drive-20110718

Nelson Mandela

Nelson Mandela, plead guilty of 156 acts of public violence and terrorism for which he was sent to jail. Anybody else with such a record will be called a murderer and terrorist. But Nelson Mandela is being carrying around the world on a golden plate as a Hero !