By Mike Smith
20th of August 2011
20th of August 2011
Crime is Crime Corruption is Corruption Murder is Murder Rape is Rape Facts are Facts
Tuesday, August 23, 2011
Pandoras Box 33
By Mike Smith
23rd of August 2011
How is it possible that a people with one of the strongest military forces of the time, ranking then under the tenth best in the world, could lose a negotiating battle with almost unarmed blacks?
How is it possible that university educated white lawyers and academia could lose at the negotiating table to seemingly simple blacks? I mean…how difficult could it be?
This is the story of the negotiations and the treason that led to the destruction of Afrikaner Nationalism.
Why even enter into negotiations at all?
At the time of 1982 the white Apartheid South Africa was a nuclear power with the assistance of Israel. Officially South Africa had seven nuclear weapons according to the IAEA , but in his book “The unspoken Alliance: Israel’s secret relationship with Apartheid South Africa”, Sasha Polakow-Suransky mentions on page 222; 223 that over 20 nuclear weapons and more than 100 nuclear artillery shells were produced. Where these lost weapons are today is a mystery.
In addition to the nuclear weapons, South Africa also possessed chemical and biological weapons. South Africa built up its arms industry with the help of Israel to the point where Armscor was a major exporter of sophisticated weapons such as the G5 and G6 howitzers.
South Africa had a nuclear space program with satellites being built at Houteq near Grabouw in the Western Cape and orbital as well as sub orbital and ballistic missiles being tested at the Overberg Test Range near Arniston in the Western Cape.
At the same time, the ANC Marxist terrorist organisation was finished. By 1980 they were hunted down and beaten into submission by the South African security forces that would sniff them out under every rock and in every nook and cranny they were hiding. From Mozambique to London, from Zambia to Sweden, they were sent parcel bombs or were paid personal visits by the South African hit squads and bluntly eliminated.
South Africa pioneered and waged the original “War on terror” and showed the world that there is only one way to defeat terrorists and that is to beat them at their own game. You have to terrorise the terrorists into submission.
Nevertheless, by 1980 the ANC was little more than a rented office with a fax machine in Dares Salaam. Inside South Africa, Inkatha, the Black Consciousness Movement, Black theology movements and since 1983 the UDF were more the people representing the Blacks, not the ANC. The ANC was largely forgotten by 1980.
In fact there was no reason to enter into negotiations with the ANC at all. There were no reasons to enter into negotiations with any of the Black Anti Apartheid movements whatsoever. The Whites of South Africa ruled the roost.
If the Blacks wanted a bloody civil war they would have received one. The whites were firmly in control of the police and army. It would have been annihilation on a grand scale like the world has not seen since Stalin, Mao or Pol Pot.
Instead, the whites of South Africa decided to bring an end to violence and live in peace with their black neighbours. The white South Africans were also tired of being seen and treated by the rest of the world as the “Skunk amongst Nations”. They thought that with Apartheid gone, with all discrimination gone, sanctions would be gone, sports boycotts would be gone and then they could build an even stronger South Africa together with the blacks...side by side, hand in hand...A South Africa that would be the darling of the world, not the skunk.
The politically ignorant and religiously naive (certainly for the most part) White South Africans at the time thought that when Apartheid was gone, they would be welcomed back by the world like the prodigal son in Luke 15 in the Bible. Best of all was that they could finally compete in the Rugby World Cup from which they were excluded in 1987 and 1991.
So when the choice to negotiate came, along with all the rosy promises of a better South Africa for all by the politicians and the media, as opposed to civil war with the Blacks, white South Africans voted 69% to 31% in favour of negotiations. It was not that they thought they would lose such a war. A peaceful solution simply seemed like the better option for all at the time.
At this stage it has to be stressed that the whites voted for “Negotiations” (whatever that meant at the time) not for capitulation as understood by the National Party. President F.W. de Klerk promised a second referendum on whether the negotiations were successful and acceptable to the whites. He promised that he would not budge on certain “Checks and Balances”...
What was going on in the mind of White South Africans at the time?
The feeling was that most of the whites swallowed the propaganda by the world and South African media. People had high hopes. They honestly believed that a New South Africa with everyone living in peace and harmony was possible, despite history showing us 180 degrees the contrary not only in South Africa, but also the rest of the world.
But just as love is blind, South African Whites fell in love with the idea of the “New Improved South Africa” and chose to ignore the realities.
The mindset of the Whites
White South Africans are for the most part very efficient people. They believe in hard work and getting the job done as soon as possible. They are therefore somewhat impatient in solving problems, finding solutions and gets frustrated when the process drags on too long.
Another trait of White South Africans in general and especially the Afrikaners is their immense sense of “fair play”. It stems from their almost religious participation in sports, their Calvinistic religious beliefs and their Roman Dutch Law system.
Little did the white South Africans realise that their traits would ultimately be used against them.
Deception and the Art of War
Today it is difficult to believe that the negotiators on the white side of Codesa had no plan, no strategy and were totally ignorant to the basics of warfare. Know yourself and know your enemy is the basics of Sun Tzu’s Art of War. All warfare is based upon deception...and the Communists were masters of deception.
When it came to negotiations with blacks, the best experiences that whites ever had with blacks were bartering at a roadside curio stand or deciding on what wage should be paid for a day’s work in the kitchen or garden of a white person.
It is with this kind of attitude that the White negotiators at Codesa approached the ANC. They thought they were going to bargain with a few blacks on wood carving of an animal. The Whites at Codesa totally underestimated the ANC negotiators.
The ANC negotiators, white and black had a totally different approach. They travelled to Vietnam in 1978 to learn the techniques of “People’s War” from General Vo Nguyen Giap as documented in the book by Dr. Anthea Jeffery. They traveled to Moscow, East Germany, Cuba and Beijing to learn from the best about ideological, revolutionary and negotiation warfare techniques.
Both Joe Slovo and Cyril Ramaphosa were lawyers. Slovo was a colonel in the KGB. These guys were not idiots and they were on a mission to win.
Bobby Godsell of Anglo American Corporation called Ramaphosa “The most skilled negotiator I have ever met”.
Since 1979 the ANC introduced the techniques of General Giap that defeated the mightiest military to date, the USA.
These were the techniques taught to and employed by the ANC in South Africa during Apartheid and during the negotiation. The gullible black women and children of the townships were at the same time the soldiers and the weapons of war against the armed South African forces.
The ANC negotiating strategy and techniques
When the negotiations started, the ANC was entering a no-holds barred, no rules fight when the NP was entering a boxing match under Queensbury rules. There could only be one outcome. Total defeat of the NP.
The NP had all the positioning and all the leverage, then they slipped up…but how is this possible?
The answer can be found in Von Clausewitz’s “On War”, Book One. Von Clausewitz says that first of all one should not assume that the position of defense and attack is equal. It is totally unequal. This is also stated in Sun Tzu’s “The Art of War” under siege warfare.
He further states that there are two things to consider in a war strategy, the size of the opponent and his willingness to fight.
.It does not matter how big, how many weapons, how much money or how many numbers an opponent has. If the willingness to fight is not there and instead a willingness to make peace is already there, the opponent stands no chance. He will lose. A thirteen year old girl will beat him.
The fight was taken out of the dog
The NP took it that their armed and security forces already legitimately defeated the ANC. They proved it to the world. They could now sit back and relax while the ANC signed their demands at negotiations on the dotted line
To the NP the fight was effectively over. The hand was outstretched to help the defeated enemy to his feet and make friends as if nothing ever happened.
To the ANC the fight only just started. All the defeats they suffered all the blows on the nose and on the mouth meant nothing now. They achieved the start position they wanted. The NP, instead of finishing them off on the ground when they had the chance, helped them up. Now the real battle would start.
The NP government soldiers might have been masters in bush warfare, but they were amateurs in ideological warfare.
It is astonishing and embarrassing today to look back at the NP negotiations at Codesa and how the Communists ran circles around them.
The ANC strategy almost comes straight from Von Clausewitz’s first chapter. War is politics continued by other means. The ANC saw negotiations as an extended armed struggle. When the NP lowered their weapons the ANC intensified the use of theirs.
The strategy of the ANC is not hard to grasp. As a backdrop to their negotiations they used horrific violence such as necklace murders of their own supporters.
They knew the whites would be impatient to put an end to this violence would therefore want to get the negotiations out of the way as soon as possible so they could have their peace. The ANC on the other hand was very patient. They fully exploited the NP negotiator’s impatience, sense of fair play, and efficiency to “get the job done”.
To a communist, just showing a willingness to negotiate is already a sign of weakness. If you were really strong, you would have taken him out. Therefore there can never be any meaningful negotiations with communists.
The NP negotiators thought about compromise. Whites had to give up a few things; Blacks give up a few things and in the end everyone walks away as a winner.
Not to a communist. A communist never compromise. He never gives up anything. If he does, it is only to get something better in return.
Compromise is never a good idea. When two sets of basic principles compromise for the sake of getting along, the result is some muck in the middle and nobody gets along. One cannot compromise on good principles. When good and evil compromise then evil always wins. Evil can only exist, because the good principles have been compromised on.
But the ANC had some other techniques up their sleeves.
The communists are obsessed with saving face. They never want to be seen as the ones who have lost the conventional war.
One tactic they use is “Stage setting”. At negotiations they would seat their opponents looking into the sun or directly in the sun so they feel hot and uncomfortable. Food will be doctored so they feel tired, or ill. Chair legs of the opponents would be shorter than that of the communists. Everything down to the journalists and cameramen would be carefully chosen. Even the language will be chosen to put the negotiators on the backfoot.
Another one is “The loaded agenda”. For instance they would have a hundred points on a list of negotiations; they would present the first five on relatively mediocre issues to the NP as preliminary issues that would first have to be met before any negotiations could start.
One of it was to exclude military generals like Magnus Malan and police minister Adriaan Vlok from the negotiating table.
Every single one of these preliminary issues actually was points that should have been negotiated, but the NP did not want to appear as the guilty unwavering deadlocking party who would de-rail, negotiations. So they gave in…An immediate sign of weakness to the Marxist terrorist ANC.
If the NP refused, the ANC would have used it against the NP as a sign of their inflexibility to negotiate and they would have occupied the moral higher ground.
The negotiations would start over the next five items on the list. The NP would be impatient to get the job done and square away the issues, but the ANC would be patient…deliberately prolonging it by frustrating the NP with arbitrary issue, until the NP would say, “OK, OK, we give in, It is not that important anyway…, let’s move on to the next point”.
Negotiation would start on a difficult issue and at the point where it seemed the NP would not budge, violence ala “People’s War” would erupt at Boipatong or some other place in the country, or Cyril Ramaphosa would threaten that more mass action would follow and four months of negotiations would have been wasted and down the drain. All blame for violence would obviously be put on the NP government or Inkatha, who would be blame the NP of violating the ceasefire and negotiations would be unilaterally suspended by the ANC…
Automatically the NP would stand there like a bunch of idiots, not realizing, not even faintly grasping what was going on in the ANC strategy and would do everything to get back on track with negotiations to look like the good boys.
They also used a tactic called “Welshing”. The communists have no problem to make interim agreements and go back on their words. When you point out that an agreement has already been reached, they would tell you, “No, your interpretation of the agreement is wrong…”
Having agreements in writing also helped little. By inserting punctuations at the right places they could change the meaning of a sentence by 180 degrees.
The chief negotiators of the NP government at Codesa one were Barend Du Plessis and Gerrit Viljoen.
Both were highly educated gentlemen. Du Plessis was educated at Potchefstroom University in South Africa and furthered his studies in Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany, Viljoen at Cambridge and Leiden.
After the failure of Codesa one, both Finance Minister Barend du Plessis and Constitutional Development Minister, former Broederbond chairman and South West African administrator Gerrit Viljoen resigned and were taken up in hospital from exhaustion…They were no match for the ANC negotiating team.
That is what negotiations with communists bring you.
Nevertheless, Viljoen was replaced by Roelf Meyer who was taught trout fishing by Cyril Ramaphosa, the ANC chief negotiator on a Sidney Frankel fishing weekend in August 1991 where Ramaphosa rescued Roelf and ripped a fishing hook from Roelf’s hand with a pair of pliers.
It was a friendship sealed in blood, yet at Codesa-two they were at opposite sides of the table, supposedly against each other. Both were relatively young at the time. Roelf Meyer 45 and Cyril Ramaphosa 40.
Codesa-two would be what Allister Sparks calls in his book, “Tomorrow is another country”, “The Roelf and Cyril Show”.
During the months of June to September 1992 when negotiations were broken off Roelf and Cyril would secretly meet one on one in hotels several times a month.
During this time, ambitious Afrikaner politicians such as Roelf Meyer, Martinus van Schalkwyk and Leon Wessels started to realize the game was over and started to evaluate their own career prospects and entered into separate negotiations with the ANC. They were more interested about their own political and business futures than with the wellbeing of white South Africans. Meyer represented the government and Wessels represented the National Party at the negotiations.
Eventually negotiations deadlocked on three issues, releasing political prisoners, several extremely dangerous murderers, and Fencing Inkatha areas in and prohibiting the carrying of traditional weapons.
Communist leader Joe Slovo broke the deadlock by admitting that the ANC was not dealing with a defeated enemy and would have to offer the NP some form of power sharing for at least five years. Police and military officers would keep their jobs, etc…
His reason was that the ANC had no trained civil servants to take over from the NP and thus would have to co-operate with them for at least a while until they could fully take over.
As the mafia boss Don Corleone in “The Godfather” so famously mentioned… he made them an offer they could not resist.
The whole time Chief Buthelezi of the Zulus acted like a prima donna, refused to budge on any issues and feeling constantly insulted by not getting the respect he craved and so he was sidelined.
Over the Christmas and New year period of 1992 and 1993 two secret meetings known as “Bosberade” (Bush negotiations) took place between the National Party negotiators and the ANC top ranks at D’Nyala game reserve near Lephalale, formerly known as Ellisras in the Northern Transvaal, now known as Limpopo province.
There Leon Wessels shared hour long talks with Joe Slovo in the swimming pool, Cyril, his wife and Roelf Meyer went nighttime game watching together on the back of a Land Rover. Delegates went jogging together in the morning and shared campfire stories under a Tamboti tree at night while the best cuts of meat were being barbecued for them by their hosts…all sponsored by the unknowing white taxpayers on the verge of being sold out by their government.
During this time Leon Wessels said that he and Cyril Ramaphosa “found each other”…whatever that meant.
Can white South Africans complain today about these negotiations? It is after all the mandate they gave the NP during the 1992 referendum.
They did not specify that negotiations should take place around a round table. They did not tell them that they should win. Besides, negotiations in a swimming pool or around a braai were therefore fully legit.
The next month the negotiators of the 26 groups would convene at the World Trade Centre in Kempton Park and every time a deadlock was reached, Roelf an Cyril would slip away into a corner and quietly convene, then return with a solution, the other 24 parties effectively excluded. The media dubbed it the Roelf and Cyril Show. The other 24 parties might just as well not have been there.
At the time the President F.W. de Klerk seemed disinterested and more involved with his Greek mistress. When the negotiations were finally over and the Codesa results were published in 1993, he exclaimed to his chief negotiator, Roelf Meyer, “My God Roelf, jy het ons uitverkoop!”
(My God, Roelf, you sold us out!)
From F.W. de Klerk’s empty promises of “Checks and balances”, “Minority rights” and a second referendum, nothing came. We lost our country and we would never have the peace we were promised.
Since Codesa-one started on the 20th of December 1991 until the interim constitution was accepted on the 18th of November 1993 the entire Codesa meetings and all the secret negotiations were facilitated and watched over by the National Intelligence Services (NIS).
Advocate P.J.Pretorius in his book “Sell Out, 1997, pg 350” mentions that during this time and towards its end, in April 1993, it became clear to NIS that the NP was losing the battle against the Marxist ANC at the negotiating table and that they, along with 15,000 employees would soon be without jobs.
In order to survive they would have had to embark on a marketing strategy to sell themselves to their new masters, the Marxist ANC. So what they did was to invite the ANC honchos to a secret meeting on their secluded Island in the middle of the Vaal Dam near the town of Heidelberg (Transvaal) to make a presentation of their capabilities and how they could and would sink the “New Enemies”, namely the Right Wing Afrikaners.
The main focus of their presentation was on “Intel-igence”…obviously illegally and unconstitutionally monitoring the public’s phones, cell-phones, internet, etc…
The ANC being keen students of Sun Tzu accepted, because in Chapter thirteen “On the use of Spies” Master Sun Tzu advises that spies, all five kinds, should always be treated well.
Soon afterwards the so-called Rightwing was neutralized.
The negotiations of Codesa should never have taken place. The referendum should never have taken place. As I have mentioned before. When F.W. de Klerk revoked the Population Registration Act, he did away with the Tri Cameral Constitution of 1983. From that moment on the NP was an illegitimate government with zero rights to negotiate or call referendums.
http://mspoliticalcommentary.blogspot.com/2011/08/opening-pandoras-apartheid-box-part-33.html
23rd of August 2011
How is it possible that a people with one of the strongest military forces of the time, ranking then under the tenth best in the world, could lose a negotiating battle with almost unarmed blacks?
How is it possible that university educated white lawyers and academia could lose at the negotiating table to seemingly simple blacks? I mean…how difficult could it be?
This is the story of the negotiations and the treason that led to the destruction of Afrikaner Nationalism.
Why even enter into negotiations at all?
At the time of 1982 the white Apartheid South Africa was a nuclear power with the assistance of Israel. Officially South Africa had seven nuclear weapons according to the IAEA , but in his book “The unspoken Alliance: Israel’s secret relationship with Apartheid South Africa”, Sasha Polakow-Suransky mentions on page 222; 223 that over 20 nuclear weapons and more than 100 nuclear artillery shells were produced. Where these lost weapons are today is a mystery.
In addition to the nuclear weapons, South Africa also possessed chemical and biological weapons. South Africa built up its arms industry with the help of Israel to the point where Armscor was a major exporter of sophisticated weapons such as the G5 and G6 howitzers.
South Africa had a nuclear space program with satellites being built at Houteq near Grabouw in the Western Cape and orbital as well as sub orbital and ballistic missiles being tested at the Overberg Test Range near Arniston in the Western Cape.
At the same time, the ANC Marxist terrorist organisation was finished. By 1980 they were hunted down and beaten into submission by the South African security forces that would sniff them out under every rock and in every nook and cranny they were hiding. From Mozambique to London, from Zambia to Sweden, they were sent parcel bombs or were paid personal visits by the South African hit squads and bluntly eliminated.
South Africa pioneered and waged the original “War on terror” and showed the world that there is only one way to defeat terrorists and that is to beat them at their own game. You have to terrorise the terrorists into submission.
Nevertheless, by 1980 the ANC was little more than a rented office with a fax machine in Dares Salaam. Inside South Africa, Inkatha, the Black Consciousness Movement, Black theology movements and since 1983 the UDF were more the people representing the Blacks, not the ANC. The ANC was largely forgotten by 1980.
In fact there was no reason to enter into negotiations with the ANC at all. There were no reasons to enter into negotiations with any of the Black Anti Apartheid movements whatsoever. The Whites of South Africa ruled the roost.
If the Blacks wanted a bloody civil war they would have received one. The whites were firmly in control of the police and army. It would have been annihilation on a grand scale like the world has not seen since Stalin, Mao or Pol Pot.
Instead, the whites of South Africa decided to bring an end to violence and live in peace with their black neighbours. The white South Africans were also tired of being seen and treated by the rest of the world as the “Skunk amongst Nations”. They thought that with Apartheid gone, with all discrimination gone, sanctions would be gone, sports boycotts would be gone and then they could build an even stronger South Africa together with the blacks...side by side, hand in hand...A South Africa that would be the darling of the world, not the skunk.
The politically ignorant and religiously naive (certainly for the most part) White South Africans at the time thought that when Apartheid was gone, they would be welcomed back by the world like the prodigal son in Luke 15 in the Bible. Best of all was that they could finally compete in the Rugby World Cup from which they were excluded in 1987 and 1991.
So when the choice to negotiate came, along with all the rosy promises of a better South Africa for all by the politicians and the media, as opposed to civil war with the Blacks, white South Africans voted 69% to 31% in favour of negotiations. It was not that they thought they would lose such a war. A peaceful solution simply seemed like the better option for all at the time.
At this stage it has to be stressed that the whites voted for “Negotiations” (whatever that meant at the time) not for capitulation as understood by the National Party. President F.W. de Klerk promised a second referendum on whether the negotiations were successful and acceptable to the whites. He promised that he would not budge on certain “Checks and Balances”...
What was going on in the mind of White South Africans at the time?
The feeling was that most of the whites swallowed the propaganda by the world and South African media. People had high hopes. They honestly believed that a New South Africa with everyone living in peace and harmony was possible, despite history showing us 180 degrees the contrary not only in South Africa, but also the rest of the world.
But just as love is blind, South African Whites fell in love with the idea of the “New Improved South Africa” and chose to ignore the realities.
The mindset of the Whites
White South Africans are for the most part very efficient people. They believe in hard work and getting the job done as soon as possible. They are therefore somewhat impatient in solving problems, finding solutions and gets frustrated when the process drags on too long.
Another trait of White South Africans in general and especially the Afrikaners is their immense sense of “fair play”. It stems from their almost religious participation in sports, their Calvinistic religious beliefs and their Roman Dutch Law system.
Little did the white South Africans realise that their traits would ultimately be used against them.
Deception and the Art of War
Today it is difficult to believe that the negotiators on the white side of Codesa had no plan, no strategy and were totally ignorant to the basics of warfare. Know yourself and know your enemy is the basics of Sun Tzu’s Art of War. All warfare is based upon deception...and the Communists were masters of deception.
When it came to negotiations with blacks, the best experiences that whites ever had with blacks were bartering at a roadside curio stand or deciding on what wage should be paid for a day’s work in the kitchen or garden of a white person.
It is with this kind of attitude that the White negotiators at Codesa approached the ANC. They thought they were going to bargain with a few blacks on wood carving of an animal. The Whites at Codesa totally underestimated the ANC negotiators.
The ANC negotiators, white and black had a totally different approach. They travelled to Vietnam in 1978 to learn the techniques of “People’s War” from General Vo Nguyen Giap as documented in the book by Dr. Anthea Jeffery. They traveled to Moscow, East Germany, Cuba and Beijing to learn from the best about ideological, revolutionary and negotiation warfare techniques.
Both Joe Slovo and Cyril Ramaphosa were lawyers. Slovo was a colonel in the KGB. These guys were not idiots and they were on a mission to win.
Bobby Godsell of Anglo American Corporation called Ramaphosa “The most skilled negotiator I have ever met”.
Since 1979 the ANC introduced the techniques of General Giap that defeated the mightiest military to date, the USA.
These were the techniques taught to and employed by the ANC in South Africa during Apartheid and during the negotiation. The gullible black women and children of the townships were at the same time the soldiers and the weapons of war against the armed South African forces.
The ANC negotiating strategy and techniques
When the negotiations started, the ANC was entering a no-holds barred, no rules fight when the NP was entering a boxing match under Queensbury rules. There could only be one outcome. Total defeat of the NP.
The NP had all the positioning and all the leverage, then they slipped up…but how is this possible?
The answer can be found in Von Clausewitz’s “On War”, Book One. Von Clausewitz says that first of all one should not assume that the position of defense and attack is equal. It is totally unequal. This is also stated in Sun Tzu’s “The Art of War” under siege warfare.
He further states that there are two things to consider in a war strategy, the size of the opponent and his willingness to fight.
.It does not matter how big, how many weapons, how much money or how many numbers an opponent has. If the willingness to fight is not there and instead a willingness to make peace is already there, the opponent stands no chance. He will lose. A thirteen year old girl will beat him.
The fight was taken out of the dog
The NP took it that their armed and security forces already legitimately defeated the ANC. They proved it to the world. They could now sit back and relax while the ANC signed their demands at negotiations on the dotted line
To the NP the fight was effectively over. The hand was outstretched to help the defeated enemy to his feet and make friends as if nothing ever happened.
To the ANC the fight only just started. All the defeats they suffered all the blows on the nose and on the mouth meant nothing now. They achieved the start position they wanted. The NP, instead of finishing them off on the ground when they had the chance, helped them up. Now the real battle would start.
The NP government soldiers might have been masters in bush warfare, but they were amateurs in ideological warfare.
It is astonishing and embarrassing today to look back at the NP negotiations at Codesa and how the Communists ran circles around them.
The ANC strategy almost comes straight from Von Clausewitz’s first chapter. War is politics continued by other means. The ANC saw negotiations as an extended armed struggle. When the NP lowered their weapons the ANC intensified the use of theirs.
The strategy of the ANC is not hard to grasp. As a backdrop to their negotiations they used horrific violence such as necklace murders of their own supporters.
They knew the whites would be impatient to put an end to this violence would therefore want to get the negotiations out of the way as soon as possible so they could have their peace. The ANC on the other hand was very patient. They fully exploited the NP negotiator’s impatience, sense of fair play, and efficiency to “get the job done”.
To a communist, just showing a willingness to negotiate is already a sign of weakness. If you were really strong, you would have taken him out. Therefore there can never be any meaningful negotiations with communists.
The NP negotiators thought about compromise. Whites had to give up a few things; Blacks give up a few things and in the end everyone walks away as a winner.
Not to a communist. A communist never compromise. He never gives up anything. If he does, it is only to get something better in return.
Compromise is never a good idea. When two sets of basic principles compromise for the sake of getting along, the result is some muck in the middle and nobody gets along. One cannot compromise on good principles. When good and evil compromise then evil always wins. Evil can only exist, because the good principles have been compromised on.
But the ANC had some other techniques up their sleeves.
The communists are obsessed with saving face. They never want to be seen as the ones who have lost the conventional war.
One tactic they use is “Stage setting”. At negotiations they would seat their opponents looking into the sun or directly in the sun so they feel hot and uncomfortable. Food will be doctored so they feel tired, or ill. Chair legs of the opponents would be shorter than that of the communists. Everything down to the journalists and cameramen would be carefully chosen. Even the language will be chosen to put the negotiators on the backfoot.
Another one is “The loaded agenda”. For instance they would have a hundred points on a list of negotiations; they would present the first five on relatively mediocre issues to the NP as preliminary issues that would first have to be met before any negotiations could start.
One of it was to exclude military generals like Magnus Malan and police minister Adriaan Vlok from the negotiating table.
Every single one of these preliminary issues actually was points that should have been negotiated, but the NP did not want to appear as the guilty unwavering deadlocking party who would de-rail, negotiations. So they gave in…An immediate sign of weakness to the Marxist terrorist ANC.
If the NP refused, the ANC would have used it against the NP as a sign of their inflexibility to negotiate and they would have occupied the moral higher ground.
The negotiations would start over the next five items on the list. The NP would be impatient to get the job done and square away the issues, but the ANC would be patient…deliberately prolonging it by frustrating the NP with arbitrary issue, until the NP would say, “OK, OK, we give in, It is not that important anyway…, let’s move on to the next point”.
Negotiation would start on a difficult issue and at the point where it seemed the NP would not budge, violence ala “People’s War” would erupt at Boipatong or some other place in the country, or Cyril Ramaphosa would threaten that more mass action would follow and four months of negotiations would have been wasted and down the drain. All blame for violence would obviously be put on the NP government or Inkatha, who would be blame the NP of violating the ceasefire and negotiations would be unilaterally suspended by the ANC…
Automatically the NP would stand there like a bunch of idiots, not realizing, not even faintly grasping what was going on in the ANC strategy and would do everything to get back on track with negotiations to look like the good boys.
They also used a tactic called “Welshing”. The communists have no problem to make interim agreements and go back on their words. When you point out that an agreement has already been reached, they would tell you, “No, your interpretation of the agreement is wrong…”
Having agreements in writing also helped little. By inserting punctuations at the right places they could change the meaning of a sentence by 180 degrees.
The chief negotiators of the NP government at Codesa one were Barend Du Plessis and Gerrit Viljoen.
Both were highly educated gentlemen. Du Plessis was educated at Potchefstroom University in South Africa and furthered his studies in Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany, Viljoen at Cambridge and Leiden.
After the failure of Codesa one, both Finance Minister Barend du Plessis and Constitutional Development Minister, former Broederbond chairman and South West African administrator Gerrit Viljoen resigned and were taken up in hospital from exhaustion…They were no match for the ANC negotiating team.
That is what negotiations with communists bring you.
Nevertheless, Viljoen was replaced by Roelf Meyer who was taught trout fishing by Cyril Ramaphosa, the ANC chief negotiator on a Sidney Frankel fishing weekend in August 1991 where Ramaphosa rescued Roelf and ripped a fishing hook from Roelf’s hand with a pair of pliers.
It was a friendship sealed in blood, yet at Codesa-two they were at opposite sides of the table, supposedly against each other. Both were relatively young at the time. Roelf Meyer 45 and Cyril Ramaphosa 40.
Codesa-two would be what Allister Sparks calls in his book, “Tomorrow is another country”, “The Roelf and Cyril Show”.
During the months of June to September 1992 when negotiations were broken off Roelf and Cyril would secretly meet one on one in hotels several times a month.
During this time, ambitious Afrikaner politicians such as Roelf Meyer, Martinus van Schalkwyk and Leon Wessels started to realize the game was over and started to evaluate their own career prospects and entered into separate negotiations with the ANC. They were more interested about their own political and business futures than with the wellbeing of white South Africans. Meyer represented the government and Wessels represented the National Party at the negotiations.
Eventually negotiations deadlocked on three issues, releasing political prisoners, several extremely dangerous murderers, and Fencing Inkatha areas in and prohibiting the carrying of traditional weapons.
Communist leader Joe Slovo broke the deadlock by admitting that the ANC was not dealing with a defeated enemy and would have to offer the NP some form of power sharing for at least five years. Police and military officers would keep their jobs, etc…
His reason was that the ANC had no trained civil servants to take over from the NP and thus would have to co-operate with them for at least a while until they could fully take over.
As the mafia boss Don Corleone in “The Godfather” so famously mentioned… he made them an offer they could not resist.
The whole time Chief Buthelezi of the Zulus acted like a prima donna, refused to budge on any issues and feeling constantly insulted by not getting the respect he craved and so he was sidelined.
Over the Christmas and New year period of 1992 and 1993 two secret meetings known as “Bosberade” (Bush negotiations) took place between the National Party negotiators and the ANC top ranks at D’Nyala game reserve near Lephalale, formerly known as Ellisras in the Northern Transvaal, now known as Limpopo province.
There Leon Wessels shared hour long talks with Joe Slovo in the swimming pool, Cyril, his wife and Roelf Meyer went nighttime game watching together on the back of a Land Rover. Delegates went jogging together in the morning and shared campfire stories under a Tamboti tree at night while the best cuts of meat were being barbecued for them by their hosts…all sponsored by the unknowing white taxpayers on the verge of being sold out by their government.
During this time Leon Wessels said that he and Cyril Ramaphosa “found each other”…whatever that meant.
Can white South Africans complain today about these negotiations? It is after all the mandate they gave the NP during the 1992 referendum.
They did not specify that negotiations should take place around a round table. They did not tell them that they should win. Besides, negotiations in a swimming pool or around a braai were therefore fully legit.
The next month the negotiators of the 26 groups would convene at the World Trade Centre in Kempton Park and every time a deadlock was reached, Roelf an Cyril would slip away into a corner and quietly convene, then return with a solution, the other 24 parties effectively excluded. The media dubbed it the Roelf and Cyril Show. The other 24 parties might just as well not have been there.
At the time the President F.W. de Klerk seemed disinterested and more involved with his Greek mistress. When the negotiations were finally over and the Codesa results were published in 1993, he exclaimed to his chief negotiator, Roelf Meyer, “My God Roelf, jy het ons uitverkoop!”
(My God, Roelf, you sold us out!)
From F.W. de Klerk’s empty promises of “Checks and balances”, “Minority rights” and a second referendum, nothing came. We lost our country and we would never have the peace we were promised.
Since Codesa-one started on the 20th of December 1991 until the interim constitution was accepted on the 18th of November 1993 the entire Codesa meetings and all the secret negotiations were facilitated and watched over by the National Intelligence Services (NIS).
Advocate P.J.Pretorius in his book “Sell Out, 1997, pg 350” mentions that during this time and towards its end, in April 1993, it became clear to NIS that the NP was losing the battle against the Marxist ANC at the negotiating table and that they, along with 15,000 employees would soon be without jobs.
In order to survive they would have had to embark on a marketing strategy to sell themselves to their new masters, the Marxist ANC. So what they did was to invite the ANC honchos to a secret meeting on their secluded Island in the middle of the Vaal Dam near the town of Heidelberg (Transvaal) to make a presentation of their capabilities and how they could and would sink the “New Enemies”, namely the Right Wing Afrikaners.
The main focus of their presentation was on “Intel-igence”…obviously illegally and unconstitutionally monitoring the public’s phones, cell-phones, internet, etc…
The ANC being keen students of Sun Tzu accepted, because in Chapter thirteen “On the use of Spies” Master Sun Tzu advises that spies, all five kinds, should always be treated well.
Soon afterwards the so-called Rightwing was neutralized.
The negotiations of Codesa should never have taken place. The referendum should never have taken place. As I have mentioned before. When F.W. de Klerk revoked the Population Registration Act, he did away with the Tri Cameral Constitution of 1983. From that moment on the NP was an illegitimate government with zero rights to negotiate or call referendums.
http://mspoliticalcommentary.blogspot.com/2011/08/opening-pandoras-apartheid-box-part-33.html
Monday, August 22, 2011
Child protection register - 1 person listed
2011-08-22
Sixteen months after it became operational, only one person deemed unsuitable to work with children has been named in the national Child Protection Register (CPR).
In a written reply to a parliamentary question tabled on Monday, Social Development Minister Bathabile Dlamini confirmed the register was "fully operational", with an allocated budget of R1.7m.
"Only one name appears on the Child Protection Register as a person who is unsuitable to work with children," she said.
"However, there are 64 names of persons who have been convicted of crimes against children, who still need to be found unsuitable to work with children by the courts that convicted them, as required by the Children's Act."
The CPR, which was created in terms of the 2005 Children's Act, consists of two parts.
Part A is a record of all the reports of abuse or deliberate neglect of a child, and all convictions of people on charges involving such abuse or deliberate neglect.
Part B is a record of people found to be unsuitable to work with children, and is supposed to be used to protect children from them.
The parliamentary question was posed by Democratic Alliance MP Patricia Kopane.
In a statement later on Monday, Kopane queried how it was possible that only one name appeared in the register.
"Last year, there were 4 000 reported cases of ill-treatment of children. And we know that South Africa is a world capital for 'baby rape' and the sexual abuse of minors - it is estimated that around 30 000 children per year are victims of sexual abuse.
"In this context, it is difficult to believe that only one person in the entire country is prohibited from working with children. The minister... has some explaining to do," she said.
The DA also wanted to know why it cost R1 725 849 to develop and maintain a CPR that contained but a single name.
"It is essential that we have a Child Protection Register to safeguard our children from those who prey on them. But it is impossible to do so if the register is in a shambles."
Kopane said she would be calling on Dlamini to appear before the social development portfolio committee to explain herself.
http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Child-protection-register-1-person-listed-20110822
Sixteen months after it became operational, only one person deemed unsuitable to work with children has been named in the national Child Protection Register (CPR).
In a written reply to a parliamentary question tabled on Monday, Social Development Minister Bathabile Dlamini confirmed the register was "fully operational", with an allocated budget of R1.7m.
"Only one name appears on the Child Protection Register as a person who is unsuitable to work with children," she said.
"However, there are 64 names of persons who have been convicted of crimes against children, who still need to be found unsuitable to work with children by the courts that convicted them, as required by the Children's Act."
The CPR, which was created in terms of the 2005 Children's Act, consists of two parts.
Part A is a record of all the reports of abuse or deliberate neglect of a child, and all convictions of people on charges involving such abuse or deliberate neglect.
Part B is a record of people found to be unsuitable to work with children, and is supposed to be used to protect children from them.
The parliamentary question was posed by Democratic Alliance MP Patricia Kopane.
In a statement later on Monday, Kopane queried how it was possible that only one name appeared in the register.
"Last year, there were 4 000 reported cases of ill-treatment of children. And we know that South Africa is a world capital for 'baby rape' and the sexual abuse of minors - it is estimated that around 30 000 children per year are victims of sexual abuse.
"In this context, it is difficult to believe that only one person in the entire country is prohibited from working with children. The minister... has some explaining to do," she said.
The DA also wanted to know why it cost R1 725 849 to develop and maintain a CPR that contained but a single name.
"It is essential that we have a Child Protection Register to safeguard our children from those who prey on them. But it is impossible to do so if the register is in a shambles."
Kopane said she would be calling on Dlamini to appear before the social development portfolio committee to explain herself.
http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Child-protection-register-1-person-listed-20110822
Ex-bodyguard ‘let down’ by Malema
August 22 2011
About R3.6 million is spent each year to guard ANC Youth League president Julius Malema.
But this money has never benefited Steve Mashala – who spent 10 months shielding Malema’s life without being paid.
Mashala, now jobless, has accused Malema of reneging on a promise to find him a job in the SAPS or Joburg metro police department.
Mashala, 36, said Malema used used him as his personal bodyguard and driver for 10 months before dumping him “for no apparent reason”.
He was the driver of the get-away car with Malema in it when the league leader’s entourage came under attack, apparently from Inkatha supporters at Mangosuthu Technikon, in 2009.
Mashala was in a Durban hotel with Malema when news came through about a possible attack and police had to supply them with back-up.
Malema’s state security was withdrawn, after Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa ruled that his life was no longer in danger.
During his hate speech trial in the Johannesburg High Court this year, Malema used private security outfit Mikeric Security and Training Solutions to guard him.
Mashala trained as an underground ANC cadre in Sekgosese Village in Limpopo in the 1990s while a pupil there. Malema had received similar training.
Mashala joined the SAPS in 1999 as a reservist, where he worked until 2006. He says that during that time, he secured the arrest and conviction of several high-profile criminals and testified against them in court.
Mashala came to Joburg after he failed to get a permanent post at Sekgosese police station in 2006. He continued applying for a job in the police, but failed.
It was then that he approached Malema for help.
“After I asked him for help, the president (Malema) replied: ‘We are going to work together. After that I will enlist you in the VIP unit’.
“He made it clear to me that he wanted me to work as his bodyguard. He said we needed to work together to ensure that Jacob Zuma becomes president of the country after the (2009 national) election. He again promised to enlist me in the metro police or SAPS.”
Mashala fought back tears as he explained the lengths he went to protect Malema in strife-torn political areas of KwaZulu-Natal. He was also at Malema’s side when he went to campaign at Orania, a conservative Afrikaner bastion outside Kimberley.
“I was working with a hope that I would secure a permanent job in the future. After the elections, I again raised my frustration with the president. He said I should not worry – ‘We are sorting it out’, I was told.”
Mashala said Malema promised him that former deputy minister of police Fikile Mbalula would give him a job in the VIP unit. But then Mbalula’s own bodyguard, known only as Eric, got the job.
Mashala has been jobless for almost two years. He said he was trying to survive by working part-time as a driver, but got fired as soon as his employers become aware of his past links with Malema.
ANC Youth League spokesman Floyd Shivambu has dismissed Mashala’s assertions.
He confirmed Malema offered Mashala a job before the elections when he desperately needed a driver. He denied, however, that Malema promised to enlist his accuser in the SAPS VIP unit. Malema could not be reached for comment.
Homes for Zuma’s Ministers
22nd August 2011
Houses bought to accommodate ministers and deputy ministers following President Jacob Zuma's 2009 Cabinet reshuffle cost taxpayers more than R180 million, according to a written reply to a parliamentary question, tabled on Monday.
The reply, by Public Works Minister Gwen Mahlangu-Nkabinde, reveals that her department spent R183,886,837 on a total of 34 houses in Pretoria and Cape Town for ministers and their deputies over the past two years.
“(In) Pretoria, 15 houses were purchased by the department since 2009 to date; in Waterkloof and Moreleta (Pretoria East). The total amount for all purchased properties is R68,195,116.
“(In) Cape Town, 19 houses were purchased by the department since 2009 to date... The total amount for all purchased properties is R115,691,721,” she said.
Dividing the total amount spent by the number of houses gives an average price of R5.4 million per dwelling.
The parliamentary question, posed by Democratic Alliance MP Erik Marais, asked for the “total purchase price in rands of each specified house purchased” for the additional ministers and deputy ministers.
In her reply, Mahlangu-Nkabinde gave totals for only the two cities.
In a statement later on Monday, DA public works spokesman John Steenhuisen said he would be submitting further questions to Mahlangu-Nkabinde to determine why it was deemed necessary to spend so much on the 34 houses, and why so many were needed.
“Official residences, when they are deemed necessary, should be reasonably costed and should serve some purpose. It is unclear why more houses were bought than is required by the six ministries (created by Zuma in 2009),” he said.
The DA demanded to know:
• Why six ministries required 34 new houses;
• Why it was deemed necessary to spend an average of R5.4 million per house;
• Whether ministers had been paying market-related rentals for their secondary official residences in Cape Town, as prescribed by the Ministerial Handbook;
• Why deputy ministers should be entitled to their own residences in Pretoria and Cape Town; and,
• Why ministers had not made use of the ministerial estate at Groote Schuur in Cape Town instead of buying new houses.
Steenhuisen said spending R183 million on houses for ministers and deputy ministers could not be right when millions of South Africans continued to live in poverty.
This total was enough to build about 2000 RDP houses.
“I will be submitting follow-up parliamentary questions to the minister of public works to get to the bottom of this,” he said
Sunday, August 21, 2011
Foreign ID Fraud
August 17 2011
A table in the main room of the apartment used for producing the fake Passports and ID's Metro Police made a huge Fake Passport bust in Yeoville with all the neccesary paraphanalia and equipment needed
An interrogation of the impact of foreigners on the South African labour market at Parliament yesterday turned into a navel gazing operation in which the Home Affairs Department admitted there was an immense problem of outsiders lining their pockets with social welfare grants.
Home Affairs deputy director-general Jackson Mckay told MPs on the labour portfolio committee that Zimbabwean nationals were known to “cross the border” into South Africa at about that time of the month when social grant payments were made.
They collected their cheques and then ducked back home. This pointed to the problem of foreigners – particularly Zimbabweans – gaining fraudulent access to South African identity documents. The ID scam is understood, however, to also include nationals of Lesotho, Mozambique and Swaziland.
The department has also been alerted to a case of one businessman who was manufacturing South African documents, including IDs, marriage certificates and passports.
In a written reply to questions, Home Affairs director-general Mkuseli Apleni told DA MP Annette Lovemore – who alerted the department to the alleged fraud more than six months ago – that an investigator was looking into the case.
Lovemore told the department that this businessman then used a home affairs official – not yet identified – to place the documentation on the home affairs database, turning the foreigners into “legitimate” South Africans.
The department was unable to give figures relating to the extent of the problem but one insider said it could amount to thousands of people.
This places an extra burden on the already embattled SA Social Security Agency (Sassa), which is paying out 15 million monthly grants and old age pensions. No one could say yesterday to what extent these went to foreigners and hence were fraudulent payments.
Mckay told MPs on the labour portfolio committee that the department had become concerned about the mass exodus of “South Africans” to Zimbabwe at Easter and Christmas each year. Although Zimbabwe obviously had its attractions, he told MPs, the figures – which he did not release – were way above what could be regarded as normal.
These figures related to Zimbabweans who held South Africa identity documents, not Zimbabweans with their own identify documents and passports.
A spot check in December at the Musina border post showed 3 000 Zimbabweans had South African ID books that were fraudulently obtained.
Home Affairs communications officer Gcinile Mabulu referred queries to Sassa deputy director-general Bandile Maqetuka, but he was not available for comment. Mabulu said the agency was taking steps to identify those who were fraudulently gaining access to social grants.
Earlier this month, Home Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma said the department had adjudicated 275 000 applications for work, study, and business permits from “undocumented” Zimbabwean nationals, which had to be submitted by the end of last year.
DA labour spokesman Ian Ollis said he believed there could be between 1.2 million and 4 million Zimbabweans living in exile in South Africa. “It is anybody’s guess,” he said, noting that those who did not apply for permits last year would now be deported.
Labour committee chairman Mamagase Nchabeleng said there was a township at Musina called Nancyfield were the language “on the streets” was Shona – the main language of Zimbabwe.
But he emphasised that in terms of labour law, Zimbabweans – whether legal or illegal – had the same rights as South Africans. This included minimum pay levels.
Referring to illegal use of South African IDs, McKay said lack of integration between the Home Affairs Department’s computer systems allowed people to “reside in different regimes within the department’s databases”.
Sometimes they had different names and enjoyed “multiple benefits”. He gave the example of a Zimbabwean who was called John Smith in South Africa but was “John Ncube” back at home.
McKay noted that it was not only Zimbabweans who were taking advantage of fraudulently obtained documents, but Zimbabweans constituted the overwhelming number of economic refugees.
Of the 66 000 work permits issued by the department in the first three months of this financial year, 59 363 went to Zimbabweans.
Juju and the Jet Plane
21 August, 2011
Mystery tycoon Mohamed Dada, who is said to be flying ANC Youth League president Julius Malema around the country in his private jet, was awarded lucrative tenders by the Limpopo Roads Department - whose projects are managed by Malema's company.
Malema's Ratanang Trust owns shares in On-Point Engineering, which scored a R52-million deal to act as "project manager" for Limpopo's roads department. This effectively gave it influence over how tenders are awarded.
This week the public protector, Thuli Madonsela, launched a probe into On-Point Engineering as evidence mounted of businessmen giving kickbacks to Malema's company in return for lucrative tenders.
Hawks spokesman McIntosh Polela also confirmed that the elite police unit had launched a criminal probe into Malema's dealings.
The Sunday Times obtained documents this week revealing that On-Point arranged for kickbacks from partner companies awarded roads tenders, through highly secretive "back-to-back" agreements.
Among the businessmen close to Malema who concluded lucrative deals with the roads department is Dada, a Limpopo businessman who owns Dada's World of Hardware. He is said to have flown Malema around the country in his private jet, a Cessna Citation 500, worth R18-million.
Several well-placed insiders said Dada's jet had flown Malema from Rand Airport in Germiston to Polokwane, Durban and East London in the past two months.
Trips included a flip to watch the Black Leopards play Orlando Pirates in Polokwane on August 12, and a jaunt to the Durban July horse race.
According to legal experts, any benefit in kind, including flights, could be considered a prosecutable offence under the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act.
Dada's pilot, Jared Zeeman, said on Friday that he flew "influential people" around but would not confirm that these included Malema.
"That's confidential information that I can't discuss. I'm just the bus driver," he said.
Despite promising to return calls, Dada has avoided questions from the Sunday Times for two weeks.
The Sunday Times last week revealed that a company known as Sizani Build It had won tenders from the provincial roads department.
It is owned by businessman Steve Bosch, a founder of the ANC Youth League in the province.
Bank statements confirmed that in recent months Bosch had paid R1.2-million to Aurelio Cimato, the Johannesburg architect building Malema's mansion in Sandton.
The bank statements say the R1.2-million was transferred for "J Malema", and smses were sent to Malema confirming payment. Bosch refused to explain the payments, saying they were for "my private business dealings" with Cimato.
This week the Sunday Times obtained documents that uncover secret "back-to-back" agreements between On-Point and partner companies that were awarded roads tenders.
The documents shows that On-Point appears to be invoicing one contractor at least R1-million a month for "consulting fees".
If it is splitting fees with contractors appointed by the roads department to work on specific projects, this would be a conflict of interest.
A "memorandum of understanding" between On-Point and a company called Mpotseng Infrastructure CC details how fees "shall be shared" for eight road improvement projects awarded by the roads department.
"Proceeds from the above projects shall be shared between the parties", with On-Point collecting "all fees for the planning and design stages", while Mpotseng would collect "all fees for the construction stages", the document says.
Under this deal, On-Point would collect R1.6-million, while Mpotseng would collect R684 866.00. Mpotseng Infrastructure CC's sole director, Arthur Mpotseng Phetla, is listed as a former director of On-Point Engineering, with the same residential address as On-Point's CEO Lesiba Gwangwa.
Gwangwa referred questions to his lawyer Lazarus Ledwaba, who did not return calls or respond to text messages. Mpotseng Phetla's lawyer Mojalefa Motalane said his client declined to discuss the issue. "My client and Lesiba Gwangwa share a very long relationship. We really can't entertain these issues any further."
Although dated this year, the memorandum of understanding is not signed. It says the deal ends "on handover of the projects to the Limpopo Department of Roads and Transport".
Two invoices from On-Point - seen by the Sunday Times - offer further evidence that contractors pay it kickbacks:
On March 22, On-Point invoiced Mpotseng for R1.2-million, and on April 21, Mpotseng was invoiced for a further R1-million by On-Point. The amounts were payable to On-Point's company cheque account held at FNB's Sandton branch.
Both parties were clearly at pains to ensure their special arrangement was kept secret.
A secrecy clause in the contract obliges both parties to "keep confidential the terms and conditions of this (memorandum of understanding) ... whether such information has been marked by the disclosing party as confidential or not".
The memorandum even specifies the names of the parties involved must be kept from the eyes of Treasury officials, who might raise questions about the efficient use of taxpayers' money.
"Any information shared by the service provider with the National Treasury will be shared on a statistical basis and no names will be made known," the memorandum says.
These back-to-back deals are likely to be investigated by Madonsela, as well as how On-Point scored the R51.9-million "project management" contract from Limpopo's government in the first place. Complaints have been laid at Madonsela's office by the Democratic Alliance, COPE and Afriforum.
Malema could not be reached for comment and failed to respond to text messages
http://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2011/08/21/juju-and-the-jet-plane
HIGH LIFE: Julius Malema is said to have taken trips in this Cessna Citation 500, whose owner has won lucrative tenders in Limpopo
Mystery tycoon Mohamed Dada, who is said to be flying ANC Youth League president Julius Malema around the country in his private jet, was awarded lucrative tenders by the Limpopo Roads Department - whose projects are managed by Malema's company.
Malema's Ratanang Trust owns shares in On-Point Engineering, which scored a R52-million deal to act as "project manager" for Limpopo's roads department. This effectively gave it influence over how tenders are awarded.
This week the public protector, Thuli Madonsela, launched a probe into On-Point Engineering as evidence mounted of businessmen giving kickbacks to Malema's company in return for lucrative tenders.
Hawks spokesman McIntosh Polela also confirmed that the elite police unit had launched a criminal probe into Malema's dealings.
The Sunday Times obtained documents this week revealing that On-Point arranged for kickbacks from partner companies awarded roads tenders, through highly secretive "back-to-back" agreements.
Among the businessmen close to Malema who concluded lucrative deals with the roads department is Dada, a Limpopo businessman who owns Dada's World of Hardware. He is said to have flown Malema around the country in his private jet, a Cessna Citation 500, worth R18-million.
Several well-placed insiders said Dada's jet had flown Malema from Rand Airport in Germiston to Polokwane, Durban and East London in the past two months.
Trips included a flip to watch the Black Leopards play Orlando Pirates in Polokwane on August 12, and a jaunt to the Durban July horse race.
According to legal experts, any benefit in kind, including flights, could be considered a prosecutable offence under the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act.
Dada's pilot, Jared Zeeman, said on Friday that he flew "influential people" around but would not confirm that these included Malema.
"That's confidential information that I can't discuss. I'm just the bus driver," he said.
Despite promising to return calls, Dada has avoided questions from the Sunday Times for two weeks.
The Sunday Times last week revealed that a company known as Sizani Build It had won tenders from the provincial roads department.
It is owned by businessman Steve Bosch, a founder of the ANC Youth League in the province.
Bank statements confirmed that in recent months Bosch had paid R1.2-million to Aurelio Cimato, the Johannesburg architect building Malema's mansion in Sandton.
The bank statements say the R1.2-million was transferred for "J Malema", and smses were sent to Malema confirming payment. Bosch refused to explain the payments, saying they were for "my private business dealings" with Cimato.
This week the Sunday Times obtained documents that uncover secret "back-to-back" agreements between On-Point and partner companies that were awarded roads tenders.
The documents shows that On-Point appears to be invoicing one contractor at least R1-million a month for "consulting fees".
If it is splitting fees with contractors appointed by the roads department to work on specific projects, this would be a conflict of interest.
A "memorandum of understanding" between On-Point and a company called Mpotseng Infrastructure CC details how fees "shall be shared" for eight road improvement projects awarded by the roads department.
"Proceeds from the above projects shall be shared between the parties", with On-Point collecting "all fees for the planning and design stages", while Mpotseng would collect "all fees for the construction stages", the document says.
Under this deal, On-Point would collect R1.6-million, while Mpotseng would collect R684 866.00. Mpotseng Infrastructure CC's sole director, Arthur Mpotseng Phetla, is listed as a former director of On-Point Engineering, with the same residential address as On-Point's CEO Lesiba Gwangwa.
Gwangwa referred questions to his lawyer Lazarus Ledwaba, who did not return calls or respond to text messages. Mpotseng Phetla's lawyer Mojalefa Motalane said his client declined to discuss the issue. "My client and Lesiba Gwangwa share a very long relationship. We really can't entertain these issues any further."
Although dated this year, the memorandum of understanding is not signed. It says the deal ends "on handover of the projects to the Limpopo Department of Roads and Transport".
Two invoices from On-Point - seen by the Sunday Times - offer further evidence that contractors pay it kickbacks:
On March 22, On-Point invoiced Mpotseng for R1.2-million, and on April 21, Mpotseng was invoiced for a further R1-million by On-Point. The amounts were payable to On-Point's company cheque account held at FNB's Sandton branch.
Both parties were clearly at pains to ensure their special arrangement was kept secret.
A secrecy clause in the contract obliges both parties to "keep confidential the terms and conditions of this (memorandum of understanding) ... whether such information has been marked by the disclosing party as confidential or not".
The memorandum even specifies the names of the parties involved must be kept from the eyes of Treasury officials, who might raise questions about the efficient use of taxpayers' money.
"Any information shared by the service provider with the National Treasury will be shared on a statistical basis and no names will be made known," the memorandum says.
These back-to-back deals are likely to be investigated by Madonsela, as well as how On-Point scored the R51.9-million "project management" contract from Limpopo's government in the first place. Complaints have been laid at Madonsela's office by the Democratic Alliance, COPE and Afriforum.
Malema could not be reached for comment and failed to respond to text messages
http://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2011/08/21/juju-and-the-jet-plane
Saturday, August 20, 2011
Malema to get the boot?
August 20 2011
ANC Youth League president Julius Malema faces political ruin and humiliation.
Yesterday the ruling ANC announced it had charged the outspoken youth leader for bringing it into disrepute - the second time he will have been disciplined inside 16 months on the same charge.
He is still subject to a suspended sentence, still valid for six months, that if imposed will lead to his mandatory suspension from the ANC.
This time, it was Malema’s comments on the “puppet-regime” in neighbouring Botswana that finally snapped the party elders’ patience.
Malema and the league withdrew the statement last Saturday - two weeks after it was issued. The ANC yesterday responded, charging Malema and his lieutenant, Floyd Shivambu.
Yesterday, a highly placed source said: “The public and you guys in the media underestimated the embarrassment the ANC felt over the Botswana statement.”
The ANC is understood to have been mortified by Malema’s threat to send a youth league team to overthrow Botswana’s government. Last night, ANC insiders were speculating that the teflon-like Malema, who has led a charmed life within the party despite his utterances on everything from nationalisation, racial harmony and even the country’s president – often at odds with the ANC – might not survive this latest bid to bring him to heel.
The charges came a day after the public protector decided to probe a company linked to Malema, On-Point Engineering, which has been fingered in the irregular award of tenders in the Limpopo Roads and Transport Department.
Malema is also being investigated for corruption by the Hawks.
Overdue
Opposition parties welcomed the disciplinary action, with the United Democratic Movement saying it was long overdue. UDM secretary general, Bongani Msomi, said Malema had been like a bull in a china shop for too long, and South Africans had borne the brunt of his utterances.
“The damage his blind insolence has done to our economy is incalculable.”
Freedom Front Plus spokesman, Anton Alberts, said Malema should also have been charged with bringing the ANC into disrepute with his “racist” comments against whites.
Malema has a suspended sentence after pleading guilty to undermining President Jacob Zuma last year. He was warned not to commit a similar offence for two years or his ANC membership would be suspended.
He was fined R10 000, ordered to attend political education at the party school for almost three weeks, and to attend anger management classes under the supervision of ANC officials.
The ANC member said that in making the Botswana statements, Malema had done exactly what he had been warned not to do.
Last April, Malema got away with a slap on the wrist after he was charged for his behaviour on a visit to Zimbabwe when he aligned himself with Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF as the ANC was trying to mediate in Zimbabwe; singing “shoot the Boer” after AWB leader Eugene Terre’Blanche was murdered on his farm; and insulting and ordering a BBC reporter out of an ANCYL press conference at Luthuli House in Joburg.
Last month, the league resolved in its first executive meeting after its June national congress to establish a Botswana command team which, the league said, would work towards uniting the opposition in Botswana to oppose the “puppet regime” led by the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). Weeks later the ANCYL apologised to the ANC for the statement.
The ANC, which sternly rebuked the league over the Botswana statement, had until yesterday not responded to the apology.
At the time, the mother body described the league’s statements as “extremely thoughtless and embarrassing pronouncements”, saying the command team proposal was a deviation from and an affront to ANC policies.
“This insult and disrespect to the President (Honourable Ian Khama), the government and the people of Botswana and a threat to destabilise and effect regime change in Botswana is a clear demonstration that the ANCYL’s ill discipline has clearly crossed the political line.”
The ANC’s national disciplinary committee chairman and Deputy Science and Technology Minister, Derek Hanekom, told e.tv yesterday that Malema and Shivambu have been charged separately and would have separate hearings, scheduled for August 30 and 31.
The ANC’s chief national prosecutor Uriel Abrahamse, who presented the case on behalf of the office of the party’s secretary-general Gwede Mantashe last year, will again lead the prosecution, but it is not clear who will represent the duo. Malema was represented by ANC treasurer-general and lawyer Mathews Phosa last time.
Bishop Tutu wins another prestigious award
By Mike Smith
19th of August 2011
Emeritus Arch Bishop of Cape Town, Desmond Tutu, received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984, the Albert Schweitzer Prize for Humanitarianism in 1986, the Pacem in Terris Award in 1987, the Sydney Peace Prize (1999) the Gandhi Peace Prize in 2005, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009.
This week the senile poison dwarf repeatedly called for White South Africans to be subjected to an additional “Wealth Tax”…
Tutu calls for wealth tax on whites
Tutu urges ‘haves’ to cough up
I have decided that he qualified for the most prestigious online award since the creation of the Internet (by a black man)
So to honour his Bishopness…it gives me great pleasure to award Desmond Tutu with this certificate that he can hang on the wall in his office or in the living room of his mansion in Bishops Court, Cape Town.
http://mspoliticalcommentary.blogspot.com/2011/08/bishop-tutu-wins-another-prestigious.html
19th of August 2011
Emeritus Arch Bishop of Cape Town, Desmond Tutu, received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984, the Albert Schweitzer Prize for Humanitarianism in 1986, the Pacem in Terris Award in 1987, the Sydney Peace Prize (1999) the Gandhi Peace Prize in 2005, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009.
This week the senile poison dwarf repeatedly called for White South Africans to be subjected to an additional “Wealth Tax”…
Tutu calls for wealth tax on whites
Tutu urges ‘haves’ to cough up
I have decided that he qualified for the most prestigious online award since the creation of the Internet (by a black man)
So to honour his Bishopness…it gives me great pleasure to award Desmond Tutu with this certificate that he can hang on the wall in his office or in the living room of his mansion in Bishops Court, Cape Town.
http://mspoliticalcommentary.blogspot.com/2011/08/bishop-tutu-wins-another-prestigious.html
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