Harold Macmillan's Speech
Made to the South Africa Parliament on 3 February 1960:
Harold Macmillan
It is, as I have said, a special privilege for me to be here in 1960  when you are celebrating what I might call the golden wedding of the  Union. At such a time it is natural and right that you should pause to  take stock of your position, to look back at what you have achieved, to  look forward to what lies ahead. In the fifty years of their nationhood  the people of South Africa have built a strong economy founded upon a  healthy agriculture and thriving and resilient industries. 
No one could fail to be impressed with the immense material  progress which has been achieved. That all this has been accomplished in  so short a time is a striking testimony to the skill, energy and  initiative of your people. We in Britain are proud of the contribution  we have made to this remarkable achievement. Much of it has been  financed by British capital. … 
… As I've travelled around the Union I have found everywhere, as I  expected, a deep preoccupation with what is happening in the rest of the  African continent. I understand and sympathise with your interests in  these events and your anxiety about them. 
                 Ever since the break up of the Roman empire one of the constant  facts of political life in Europe has been the emergence of independent  nations. They have come into existence over the centuries in different  forms, different kinds of government, but all have been inspired by a  deep, keen feeling of nationalism, which has grown as the nations have  grown.
In the twentieth century, and especially since the end of the war,  the processes which gave birth to the nation states of Europe have been  repeated all over the world. We have seen the awakening of national  consciousness in peoples who have for centuries lived in dependence upon  some other power. Fifteen years ago this movement spread through Asia.  Many countries there, of different races and civilisations, pressed  their claim to an independent national life.    
Today the same thing is happening in Africa, and the most striking  of all the impressions I have formed since I left London a month ago is  of the strength of this African national consciousness. In different  places it takes different forms, but it is happening everywhere. 
The wind of change is blowing through this continent, and  whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a  political fact. We must all accept it as a fact, and our national  policies must take account of it.
Well you understand this better than anyone, you are sprung from  Europe, the home of nationalism, here in Africa you have yourselves  created a free nation. A new nation. Indeed in the history of our times  yours will be recorded as the first of the African nationalists. This  tide of national consciousness which is now rising in Africa, is a fact,  for which both you and we, and the other nations of the western world  are ultimately responsible. 
For its causes are to be found in the achievements of western  civilisation, in the pushing forwards of the frontiers of knowledge, the  applying of science to the service of human needs, in the expanding of  food production, in the speeding and multiplying of the means of  communication, and perhaps above all and more than anything else in the  spread of education. 
As I have said, the growth of national consciousness in Africa is a  political fact, and we must accept it as such. That means, I would  judge, that we've got to come to terms with it. I sincerely believe that  if we cannot do so we may imperil the precarious balance between the  East and West on which the peace of the world depends.
The world today is divided into three main groups.
The world today is divided into three main groups.
First there are  what we call the Western Powers. You in South Africa and we in Britain  belong to this group, together with our friends and allies in other  parts of the Commonwealth. In the United States of America and in Europe  we call it the Free World. 
Secondly there are the Communists – Russia  and her satellites in Europe and China whose population will rise by the  end of the next ten years to the staggering total of 800 million. 
Thirdly, there are those parts of the world whose people are at present  uncommitted either to Communism or to our Western ideas. 
In this context  we think first of Asia and then of Africa. 
As I see it the great issue  in this second half of the twentieth century is whether the uncommitted  peoples of Asia and Africa will swing to the East or to the West. Will  they be drawn into the Communist camp? 
Or will the great experiments in  self-government that are now being made in Asia and Africa, especially  within the Commonwealth, prove so successful, and by their example so  compelling, that the balance will come down in favour of freedom and  order and justice? 
The struggle is joined, and it is a struggle for the  minds of men. What is now on trial is much more than our military  strength or our diplomatic and administrative skill. It is our way of  life. The uncommitted nations want to see before they choose.
 

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